演说原文节选及翻译：
But perhaps the most profound issue surrounding my receipt of this prize is the fact that I am the Commander-in-Chief of the military of a nation in the midst of two wars. One of these wars is winding down. The other is a conflict that America did not seek; one in which we are joined by 42 other countries -- including Norway -- in an effort to defend ourselves and all nations from further attacks.
围绕我获取这个（和平）奖的最大争议性话题也许是因为我是一个被两场战争困扰的国家军队总指挥。这其中的一场战争正偃旗息鼓。而另一场战争是美国被逼无奈而为之；42个国家和美国一道，包括挪威，加入了这场为保护我们和全世界免受更大的袭击的战争。
Still，we are at war，and I'm responsible for the deployment of thousands of young Americans to battle in a distant land. Some will kill，and some will be killed. And so I come here with an acute sense of the costs of armed conflict -- filled with difficult questions about the relationship between war and peace，and our effort to replace one with the other.
然而，我们（美国）在打仗，我对派出千千万万的美国青年到远方负责。他/她们所面对的是你死我活的战场。我来到（奥斯陆）这里，深感战争冲突所带来的惨重代价，也深深被战争与和平的关系和我们努力选择其中之一等问题困扰。
Of course，we know that for most of history，this concept of "just war" was rarely observed. The capacity of human beings to think up new ways to kill one another proved inexhaustible，as did our capacity to exempt from mercy those who look different or pray to a different God. Wars between armies gave way to wars between nations -- total wars in which the distinction between combatant and civilian became blurred. In the span of 30 years，such carnage would twice engulf this continent. And while it's hard to conceive of a cause more just than the defeat of the Third Reich and the Axis powers，World War II was a conflict in which the total number of civilians who died exceeded the number of soldiers who perished.
当然，综观历史，我们知道“正义战争”这一概念几乎没有被看到过。人类所能想出的互相残杀(的方式)没有止境，正如我们仇视那些不同肤色、对不同上帝祈祷的人们的能力一样。军队之间的战争成为国家之间的战争---作战人员和平民百姓一样，被混淆了身份，在（这样的）全面战争中丧生。30年的战火中，残酷的生灵涂炭（两次大战）两次吞噬了这片大陆！虽然我们难以否定击败纳粹轴心国和(希特勒)第三帝国的正义(原因)，可是，在第二次世界大战中所丧生的平民却多于所有作战人员的总和。
We must begin by acknowledging the hard truth: We will not eradicate violent conflict in our lifetimes. There will be times when nations -- acting individually or in concert -- will find the use of force not only necessary but morally justified.
我们要首先面对冷峻的现实：在我们有生之年不会彻底制止暴力冲突。总会有国家在将来，独自或联盟，找到必要的甚至道义的理由去发动战争。
I make this statement mindful of what Martin Luther King Jr. said in this same ceremony years ago: "Violence never brings permanent peace. It solves no social problem: it merely creates new and more complicated ones." As someone who stands here as a direct consequence of Dr. King's life work，I am living testimony to the moral force of non-violence. I know there's nothing weak -- nothing passive -- nothing naive -- in the creed and lives of Gandhi and King.
我说这话是谨慎的，(因为)多年前马丁·路德·金就在这个领奖台上说过：“暴力永远不会带来永久的和平。暴力无法解决社会问题：它只会制造新的、更复杂的社会问题。”今天，我能够站在这里就是金博士终生所追求的理念的直接结果，我是（他的）非暴力道义力量的证明。我清楚，在甘地和金博士的非暴力宗旨里没有任何消极、懦弱和天真的成份。
But as a head of state sworn to protect and defend my nation，I cannot be guided by their examples alone. I face the world as it is，and cannot stand idle in the face of threats to the American people. To make no mistake: Evil does exist in the world. A non-violent movement could not have halted Hitler's armies. Negotiations cannot convince al Qaeda's leaders to lay down their arms. To say that force may sometimes be necessary is not a call to cynicism -- it is a recognition of history; the imperfections of man and the limits of reason.
但做为一国首脑，我曾宣誓要保护和捍卫我的国家，我不能单独追随他们的例子。我面对的是今天的世界，当美国人民被威胁时我不能袖手旁观。毋庸置疑：这个世界上存在着恶魔。(因为)非暴力运动也无法阻挡希特勒的军队。谈判不能让基地组织放下他们的武器。强调战争有时是必要的不等于叫嚣犬儒主义--这是认清历史，（包括）人类的不完美和（人类）有限的理性。
So part of our challenge is reconciling these two seemingly inreconcilable truths -- that war is sometimes necessary，and war at some level is an expression of human folly. Concretely，we must direct our effort to the task that President Kennedy called for long ago. "Let us focus," he said，"on a more practical，more attainable peace，based not on a sudden revolution in human nature but on a gradual evolution in human institutions." A gradual evolution of human institutions.
所以，我们的挑战之一是如何解调两个水火不容的事实--战争有时是必要的，而战争很大程度上所表达的是人类的愚蠢。我们必须实质性地朝很久以前肯尼迪总统所号召的努力。他说“我们要专注于建立更实际，更能维持的和平，而不能靠对人类本性的突然革命，而要依靠人文(人性)原则的逐渐演变和进化。”人文（人性）原则的逐渐进化。
Adhering to this law of love has always been the core struggle of human nature. For we are fallible. We make mistakes，and fall victim to the temptations of pride，and power，and sometimes evil. Even those of us with the best of intentions will at times fail to right the wrongs before us.
人性斗争(冲突)的核心问题总是和捍卫这个“爱的法则”有关。因为我们人类不是不可战胜的。我们会犯错，在骄傲、权力和恶魔的引诱下会成为牺牲品。即使是那些在我们中间怀有最高尚的意志的人们也无法改正我们的错误。
But we do not have to think that human nature is perfect for us to still believe that the human condition can be perfected. We do not have to live in an idealized world to still reach for those ideals that will make it a better place. The non-violence practiced by men like Gandhi and King may not have been practical or possible in every circumstance，but the love that they preached -- their fundamental faith in human progress -- that must always be the North Star that guides us on our journey.
Let us reach for the world that ought to be -- that spark of the divine that still stirs within each of our souls. (Applause.)
但是，我们不能以为我们的人性是完美的，所以，人类生存现状才能改变。我们不必(等到)生活在一个理想的世界里才去为改变这个世界而争取。也许在很多环境中甘地和金博士所教诲的非暴力不可能也不实用，可他们所传播的爱，既他们最基本的人类进程理念，必须是指引我们进步的北极星。
让我们为这样一个（充满人性）的世界而努力 --- (去发现)人性灵魂中正在闪耀的光芒！[掌声]
2009年12月12日星期六
Obama Shanghai Speech
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Good afternoon. It is a great honor for me to be here in Shanghai, and to have this opportunity to speak with all of you. I'd like to thank Fudan University's President Yang for his hospitality and his gracious welcome. I'd also like to thank our outstanding Ambassador, Jon Huntsman, who exemplifies the deep ties and respect between our nations. I don't know what he said, but I hope it was good. (Laughter.)
What I'd like to do is to make some opening comments, and then what I'm really looking forward to doing is taking questions, not only from students who are in the audience, but also we've received questions online, which will be asked by some of the students who are here in the audience, as well as by Ambassador Huntsman. And I am very sorry that my Chinese is not as good as your English, but I am looking forward to this chance to have a dialogue.
This is my first time traveling to China, and I'm excited to see this majestic country. Here, in Shanghai, we see the growth that has caught the attention of the world -- the soaring skyscrapers, the bustling streets and entrepreneurial activity. And just as I'm impressed by these signs of China's journey to the 21st century, I'm eager to see those ancient places that speak to us from China's distant past. Tomorrow and the next day I hope to have a chance when I'm in Beijing to see the majesty of the Forbidden City and the wonder of the Great Wall. Truly, this is a nation that encompasses both a rich history and a belief in the promise of the future.
The same can be said of the relationship between our two countries. Shanghai, of course, is a city that has great meaning in the history of the relationship between the United States and China. It was here, 37 years ago, that the Shanghai Communique opened the door to a new chapter of engagement between our governments and among our people. However, America's ties to this city -- and to this country -- stretch back further, to the earliest days of America's independence.
In 1784, our founding father, George Washington, commissioned the Empress of China, a ship that set sail for these shores so that it could pursue trade with the Qing Dynasty. Washington wanted to see the ship carry the flag around the globe, and to forge new ties with nations like China. This is a common American impulse -- the desire to reach for new horizons, and to forge new partnerships that are mutually beneficial.
Over the two centuries that have followed, the currents of history have steered the relationship between our countries in many directions. And even in the midst of tumultuous winds, our people had opportunities to forge deep and even dramatic ties. For instance, Americans will never forget the hospitality shown to our pilots who were shot down over your soil during World War II, and cared for by Chinese civilians who risked all that they had by doing so. And Chinese veterans of that war still warmly greet those American veterans who return to the sites where they fought to help liberate China from occupation.
A different kind of connection was made nearly 40 years ago when the frost between our countries began to thaw through the simple game of table tennis. The very unlikely nature of this engagement contributed to its success -- because for all our differences, both our common humanity and our shared curiosity were revealed. As one American player described his visit to China -- "[The]people are just like us…The country is very similar to America, but still very different."
Of course this small opening was followed by the achievement of the Shanghai Communique, and the eventual establishment of formal relations between the United States and China in 1979. And in three decades, just look at how far we have come.
In 1979, trade between the United States and China stood at roughly $5 billion -- today it tops over $400 billion each year. The commerce affects our people's lives in so many ways. America imports from China many of the computer parts we use, the clothes we wear; and we export to China machinery that helps power your industry. This trade could create even more jobs on both sides of the Pacific, while allowing our people to enjoy a better quality of life. And as demand becomes more balanced, it can lead to even broader prosperity.
In 1979, the political cooperation between the United States and China was rooted largely in our shared rivalry with the Soviet Union. Today, we have a positive, constructive and comprehensive relationship that opens the door to partnership on the key global issues of our time -- economic recovery and the development of clean energy; stopping the spread of nuclear weapons and the scourge of climate change; the promotion of peace and security in Asia and around the globe. All of these issues will be on the agenda tomorrow when I meet with President Hu.
And in 1979, the connections among our people were limited. Today, we see the curiosity of those ping-pong players manifested in the ties that are being forged across many sectors. The second highest number of foreign students in the United States come from China, and we've seen a 50 percent increase in the study of Chinese among our own students. There are nearly 200 "friendship cities" drawing our communities together. American and Chinese scientists cooperate on new research and discovery. And of course, Yao Ming is just one signal of our shared love of basketball -- I'm only sorry that I won't be able to see a Shanghai Sharks game while I'm visiting.
It is no coincidence that the relationship between our countries has accompanied a period of positive change. China has lifted hundreds of millions of people out of poverty -- an accomplishment unparalleled in human history -- while playing a larger role in global events. And the United States has seen our economy grow along with the standard of living enjoyed by our people, while bringing the Cold War to a successful conclusion.
There is a Chinese proverb: "Consider the past, and you shall know the future." Surely, we have known setbacks and challenges over the last 30 years. Our relationship has not been without disagreement and difficulty. But the notion that we must be adversaries is not predestined -- not when we consider the past. Indeed, because of our cooperation, both the United States and China are more prosperous and more secure. We have seen what is possible when we build upon our mutual interests, and engage on the basis of mutual respect.
And yet the success of that engagement depends upon understanding -- on sustaining an open dialogue, and learning about one another and from one another. For just as that American table tennis player pointed out -- we share much in common as human beings, but our countries are different in certain ways.
I believe that each country must chart its own course. China is an ancient nation, with a deeply rooted culture. The United States, by comparison, is a young nation, whose culture is determined by the many different immigrants who have come to our shores, and by the founding documents that guide our democracy.
Those documents put forward a simple vision of human affairs, and they enshrine several core principles -- that all men and women are created equal, and possess certain fundamental rights; that government should reflect the will of the people and respond to their wishes; that commerce should be open, information freely accessible; and that laws, and not simply men, should guarantee the administration of justice.
Of course, the story of our nation is not without its difficult chapters. In many ways -- over many years -- we have struggled to advance the promise of these principles to all of our people, and to forge a more perfect union. We fought a very painful civil war, and freed a portion of our population from slavery. It took time for women to be extended the right to vote, workers to win the right to organize, and for immigrants from different corners of the globe to be fully embraced. Even after they were freed, African Americans persevered through conditions that were separate and not equal, before winning full and equal rights.
None of this was easy. But we made progress because of our belief in those core principles, which have served as our compass through the darkest of storms. That is why Lincoln could stand up in the midst of civil war and declare it a struggle to see whether any nation, conceived in liberty, and "dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal" could long endure. That is why Dr. Martin Luther King could stand on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial and ask that our nation live out the true meaning of its creed. That's why immigrants from China to Kenya could find a home on our shores; why opportunity is available to all who would work for it; and why someone like me, who less than 50 years ago would have had trouble voting in some parts of America, is now able to serve as its President.
And that is why America will always speak out for these core principles around the world. We do not seek to impose any system of government on any other nation, but we also don't believe that the principles that we stand for are unique to our nation. These freedoms of expression and worship -- of access to information and political participation -- we believe are universal rights. They should be available to all people, including ethnic and religious minorities -- whether they are in the United States, China, or any nation. Indeed, it is that respect for universal rights that guides America's openness to other countries; our respect for different cultures; our commitment to international law; and our faith in the future.
These are all things that you should know about America. I also know that we have much to learn about China. Looking around at this magnificent city -- and looking around this room -- I do believe that our nations hold something important in common, and that is a belief in the future. Neither the United States nor China is content to rest on our achievements. For while China is an ancient nation, you are also clearly looking ahead with confidence, ambition, and a commitment to see that tomorrow's generation can do better than today's.
In addition to your growing economy, we admire China's extraordinary commitment to science and research -- a commitment borne out in everything from the infrastructure you build to the technology you use. China is now the world's largest Internet user -- which is why we were so pleased to include the Internet as a part of today's event. This country now has the world's largest mobile phone network, and it is investing in the new forms of energy that can both sustain growth and combat climate change -- and I'm looking forward to deepening the partnership between the United States and China in this critical area tomorrow. But above all, I see China's future in you -- young people whose talent and dedication and dreams will do so much to help shape the 21st century.
I've said many times that I believe that our world is now fundamentally interconnected. The jobs we do, the prosperity we build, the environment we protect, the security that we seek -- all of these things are shared. And given that interconnection, power in the 21st century is no longer a zero-sum game; one country's success need not come at the expense of another. And that is why the United States insists we do not seek to contain China's rise. On the contrary, we welcome China as a strong and prosperous and successful member of the community of nations -- a China that draws on the rights, strengths, and creativity of individual Chinese like you.
To return to the proverb -- consider the past. We know that more is to be gained when great powers cooperate than when they collide. That is a lesson that human beings have learned time and again, and that is the example of the history between our nations. And I believe strongly that cooperation must go beyond our government. It must be rooted in our people -- in the studies we share, the business that we do, the knowledge that we gain, and even in the sports that we play. And these bridges must be built by young men and women just like you and your counterparts in America.
That's why I'm pleased to announce that the United States will dramatically expand the number of our students who study in China to 100,000. And these exchanges mark a clear commitment to build ties among our people, as surely as you will help determine the destiny of the 21st century. And I'm absolutely confident that America has no better ambassadors to offer than our young people. For they, just like you, are filled with talent and energy and optimism about the history that is yet to be written.
So let this be the next step in the steady pursuit of cooperation that will serve our nations, and the world. And if there's one thing that we can take from today's dialogue, I hope that it is a commitment to continue this dialogue going forward.
So thank you very much. And I look forward now to taking some questions from all of you. Thank you very much. (Applause.)
So -- I just want to make sure this works. This is a tradition, by the way, that is very common in the United States at these town hall meetings. And what we're going to do is I will just -- if you are interested in asking a question, you can raise your hands. I will call on you. And then I will alternate between a question from the audience and an Internet question from one of the students who prepared the questions, as well as I think Ambassador Huntsman may have a question that we were able to obtain from the Web site of our embassy.
So let me begin, though, by seeing -- and then what I'll do is I'll call on a boy and then a girl and then -- so we'll go back and forth, so that you know it's fair. All right? So I'll start with this young lady right in the front. Why don't we wait for this microphone so everyone can hear you. And what's your name?
Q My name is (inaudible) and I am a student from Fudan University. Shanghai and Chicago have been sister cities since 1985, and these two cities have conduct a wide range of economic, political, and cultural exchanges. So what measures will you take to deepen this close relationship between cities of the United States and China? And Shanghai will hold the World Exposition next year. Will you bring your family to visit the Expo? Thank you.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, thank you very much for the question. I was just having lunch before I came here with the Mayor of Shanghai, and he told me that he has had an excellent relationship with the city of Chicago -- my home town -- that he's visited there twice. And I think it's wonderful to have these exchanges between cities.
One of the things that I discussed with the Mayor is how both cities can learn from each other on strategies around clean energy, because one of the issues that ties China and America together is how, with an expanding population and a concern for climate change, that we're able to reduce our carbon footprint. And obviously in the United States and many developed countries, per capita, per individual, they are already using much more energy than each individual here in China. But as China grows and expands, it's going to be using more energy as well. So both countries have a great interest in finding new strategies.
We talked about mass transit and the excellent rail lines that are being developed in Shanghai. I think we can learn in Chicago and the United States some of the fine work that's being done on high-speed rail.
In the United States, I think we are learning how to develop buildings that use much less energy, that are much more energy-efficient. And I know that with Shanghai, as I traveled and I saw all the cranes and all the new buildings that are going up, it's very important for us to start incorporating these new technologies so that each building is energy-efficient when it comes to lighting, when it comes to heating. And so it's a terrific opportunity I think for us to learn from each other.
I know this is going to be a major focus of the Shanghai World Expo, is the issue of clean energy, as I learned from the Mayor. And so I would love to attend. I'm not sure yet what my schedule is going to be, but I'm very pleased that we're going to have an excellent U.S. pavilion at the Expo, and I understand that we expect as many as 70 million visitors here. So it's going to be very crowded and it's going to be very exciting.
Chicago has had two world expos in its history, and both of those expos ended up being tremendous boosts for the city. So I'm sure the same thing will happen here in Shanghai.
Thank you. (Applause.)
Why don't we get one of the questions from the Internet? And introduce yourself, in case --
Q First shall I say it in Chinese, and then the English, okay?
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Yes.
Q I want to pose a question from the Internet. I want to thank you, Mr. President, for visiting China in your first year in office, and exchange views with us in China. I want to know what are you bringing to China, your visit to China this time, and what will you bring back to the United States? (Applause.)
PRESIDENT OBAMA: The main purpose of my trip is to deepen my understanding of China and its vision for the future. I have had several meetings now with President Hu. We participated together in the G20 that was dealing with the economic financial crisis. We have had consultations about a wide range of issues. But I think it's very important for the United States to continually deepen its understanding of China, just as it's important for China to continually deepen its understanding of the United States.
In terms of what I'd like to get out of this meeting, or this visit, in addition to having the wonderful opportunity to see the Forbidden City and the Great Wall, and to meet with all of you -- these are all highlights -- but in addition to that, the discussions that I intend to have with President Hu speak to the point that Ambassador Huntsman made earlier, which is there are very few global challenges that can be solved unless the United States and China agree.
So let me give you a specific example, and that is the issue we were just discussing of climate change. The United States and China are the world's two largest emitters of greenhouse gases, of carbon that is causing the planet to warm. Now, the United States, as a highly developed country, as I said before, per capita, consumes much more energy and emits much more greenhouse gases for each individual than does China. On the other hand, China is growing at a much faster pace and it has a much larger population. So unless both of our countries are willing to take critical steps in dealing with this issue, we will not be able to resolve it.
There's going to be a Copenhagen conference in December in which world leaders are trying to find a recipe so that we can all make commitments that are differentiated so each country would not have the same obligations -- obviously China, which has much more poverty, should not have to do exactly the same thing as the United States -- but all of us should have these certain obligations in terms of what our plan will be to reduce these greenhouse gases.
So that's an example of what I hope to get out of this meeting -- a meeting of the minds between myself and President Hu about how together the United States and China can show leadership. Because I will tell you, other countries around the world will be waiting for us. They will watch to see what we do. And if they say, ah, you know, the United States and China, they're not serious about this, then they won't be serious either. That is the burden of leadership that both of our countries now carry. And my hope is, is that the more discussion and dialogue that we have, the more we are able to show this leadership to the world on these many critical issues. Okay? (Applause.)
All right, it's a -- I think it must be a boy's turn now. Right? So I'll call on this young man right here.
Q (As translated.) Mr. President, good afternoon. I'm from Tongji University. I want to cite a saying from Confucius: "It is always good to have a friend coming from afar." In Confucius books, there is a great saying which says that harmony is good, but also we uphold differences. China advocates a harmonious world. We know that the United States develops a culture that features diversity. I want to know, what will your government do to build a diversified world with different cultures? What would you do to respect the different cultures and histories of other countries? And what kinds of cooperation we can conduct in the future?
PRESIDENT OBAMA: This is an excellent point. The United States, one of our strengths is that we are a very diverse culture. We have people coming from all around the world. And so there's no one definition of what an American looks like. In my own family, I have a father who was from Kenya; I have a mother who was from Kansas, in the Midwest of the United States; my sister is half-Indonesian; she's married to a Chinese person from Canada. So when you see family gatherings in the Obama household, it looks like the United Nations. (Laughter.)
And that is a great strength of the United States, because it means that we learn from different cultures and different foods and different ideas, and that has made us a much more dynamic society.
Now, what is also true is that each country in this interconnected world has its own culture and its own history and its own traditions. And I think it's very important for the United States not to assume that what is good for us is automatically good for somebody else. And we have to have some modesty about our attitudes towards other countries.
I have to say, though, as I said in my opening remarks, that we do believe that there are certain fundamental principles that are common to all people, regardless of culture. So, for example, in the United Nations we are very active in trying to make sure that children all around the world are treated with certain basic rights -- that if children are being exploited, if there's forced labor for children, that despite the fact that that may have taken place in the past in many different countries, including the United States, that all countries of the world now should have developed to the point where we are treating children better than we did in the past. That's a universal value.
I believe, for example, the same thing holds true when it comes to the treatment of women. I had a very interesting discussion with the Mayor of Shanghai during lunch right before I came, and he informed me that in many professions now here in China, there are actually more women enrolled in college than there are men, and that they are doing very well. I think that is an excellent indicator of progress, because it turns out that if you look at development around the world, one of the best indicators of whether or not a country does well is how well it educates its girls and how it treats its women. And countries that are tapping into the talents and the energy of women and giving them educations typically do better economically than countries that don't.
So, now, obviously difficult cultures may have different attitudes about the relationship between men and women, but I think it is the view of the United States that it is important for us to affirm the rights of women all around the world. And if we see certain societies in which women are oppressed, or they are not getting opportunities, or there is violence towards women, we will speak out.
Now, there may be some people who disagree with us, and we can have a dialogue about that. But we think it's important, nevertheless, to be true to our ideals and our values. And we -- and when we do so, though, we will always do so with the humility and understanding that we are not perfect and that we still have much progress to make. If you talk to women in America, they will tell you that there are still men who have a lot of old-fashioned ideas about the role of women in society. And so we don't claim that we have solved all these problems, but we do think that it's important for us to speak out on behalf of these universal ideals and these universal values.
Okay? All right. We're going to take a question from the Internet.
Q Hello, Mr. President. It's a great honor to be here and meet you in person.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you.
Q I will be reading a question selected on the Internet to you, and this question is from somebody from Taiwan. In his question, he said: I come from Taiwan. Now I am doing business on the mainland. And due to improved cross-straits relations in recent years, my business in China is doing quite well. So when I heard the news that some people in America would like to propose -- continue selling arms and weapons to Taiwan, I begin to get pretty worried. I worry that this may make our cross-straits relations suffer. So I would like to know if, Mr. President, are you supportive of improved cross-straits relations? And although this question is from a businessman, actually, it's a question of keen concern to all of us young Chinese students, so we'd really like to know your position on this question. Thank you. (Applause.)
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you. Well, I have been clear in the past that my administration fully supports a one-China policy, as reflected in the three joint communiqués that date back several decades, in terms of our relations with Taiwan as well as our relations with the People's Republic of China. We don't want to change that policy and that approach.
I am very pleased with the reduction of tensions and the improvement in cross-straits relations, and it is my deep desire and hope that we will continue to see great improvement between Taiwan and the rest of -- and the People's Republic in resolving many of these issues.
One of the things that I think that the United States, in terms of its foreign policy and its policy with respect to China, is always seeking is ways that through dialogue and negotiations, problems can be solved. We always think that's the better course. And I think that economic ties and commercial ties that are taking place in this region are helping to lower a lot of the tensions that date back before you were born or even before I was born.
Now, there are some people who still look towards the past when it comes to these issues, as opposed to looking towards the future. I prefer to look towards the future. And as I said, I think the commercial ties that are taking place -- there's something about when people think that they can do business and make money that makes them think very clearly and not worry as much about ideology. And I think that that's starting to happen in this region, and we are very supportive of that process. Okay?
Let's see, it's a girl's turn now, right? Yes, right there. Yes. Hold on, let's get -- whoops, I'm sorry, they took the mic back here. I'll call on you next.
Go ahead, and then I'll go up here later. Go ahead.
Q Thank you.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: I'll call on you later. But I'll on her first and then I'll call on you afterwards.
Go ahead.
Q Okay, thank you. Mr. President, I'm a student from Shanghai Jiao Tong University. I have a question concerning the Nobel Prize for Peace. In your opinion, what's the main reason that you were honored the Nobel Prize for Peace? And will it give you more responsibility and pressure to -- more pressure and the responsibility to promote world peace? And will it bring you -- will it influence your ideas while dealing with the international affairs? Thank you very much.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you. That was an excellent question. I have to say that nobody was more surprised than me about winning the Nobel Prize for Peace. Obviously it's a great honor. I don't believe necessarily that it's an honor I deserve, given the extraordinary history of people who have won the prize. All I can do is to, with great humility, accept the fact that I think the committee was inspired by the American people and the possibilities of changing not only America but also America's approach to the world. And so in some ways I think they gave me the prize but I was more just a symbol of the shift in our approach to world affairs that we are trying to promote.
In terms of the burden that I feel, I am extraordinarily honored to be put in the position of President. And as my wife always reminds me when I complain that I'm working too hard, she says, you volunteered for this job. (Laughter.) And so you -- there's a saying -- I don't know if there's a similar saying in China -- we have a saying: "You made your bed, now you have to sleep in it." And it basically means you have to be careful what you ask for because you might get it.
I think that all of us have obligations for trying to promote peace in the world. It's not always easy to do. There are still a lot of conflicts in the world that are -- date back for centuries. If you look at the Middle East, there are wars and conflict that are rooted in arguments going back a thousand years. In many parts of the world -- let's say, in the continent of Africa -- there are ethnic and tribal conflicts that are very hard to resolve.
And obviously, right now, as President of the United States, part of my job is to serve as Commander-in-Chief, and my first priority is to protect the American people. And because of the attacks on 9/11 and the terrorism that has been taking place around the world where innocent people are being killed, it is my obligation to make sure that we root out these terrorist organizations, and that we cooperate with other countries in terms of dealing with this kind of violence.
Nevertheless, although I don't think that we can ever completely eliminate violence between nations or between peoples, I think that we can definitely reduce the violence between peoples -- through dialogue, through the exchange of ideas, through greater understanding between peoples and between cultures.
And particularly now when just one individual can detonate a bomb that causes so much destruction, it is more important than ever that we pursue these strategies for peace. Technology is a powerful instrument for good, but it has also given the possibility for just a few people to cause enormous damage. And that's why I'm hopeful that in my meetings with President Hu and on an ongoing basis, both the United States and China can work together to try to reduce conflicts that are taking place.
We have to do so, though, also keeping in mind that when we use our military, because we're such big and strong countries, that we have to be self-reflective about what we do; that we have to examine our own motives and our own interests to make sure that we are not simply using our military forces because nobody can stop us. That's a burden that great countries, great powers, have, is to act responsibly in the community of nations. And my hope is, is that the United States and China together can help to create an international norms that reduce conflict around the world. (Applause.)
Okay. All right? Jon -- I'm going to call on my Ambassador because I think he has a question that was generated through the Web site of our embassy. This was selected, though, by I think one of the members of our U.S. press corps so that --
AMBASSADOR HUNTSMAN: That's right. And not surprisingly, "in a country with 350 million Internet users and 60 million bloggers, do you know of the firewall?" And second, "should we be able to use Twitter freely" -- is the question.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, first of all, let me say that I have never used Twitter. I noticed that young people -- they're very busy with all these electronics. My thumbs are too clumsy to type in things on the phone. But I am a big believer in technology and I'm a big believer in openness when it comes to the flow of information. I think that the more freely information flows, the stronger the society becomes, because then citizens of countries around the world can hold their own governments accountable. They can begin to think for themselves. That generates new ideas. It encourages creativity.
And so I've always been a strong supporter of open Internet use. I'm a big supporter of non-censorship. This is part of the tradition of the United States that I discussed before, and I recognize that different countries have different traditions. I can tell you that in the United States, the fact that we have free Internet -- or unrestricted Internet access is a source of strength, and I think should be encouraged.
Now, I should tell you, I should be honest, as President of the United States, there are times where I wish information didn't flow so freely because then I wouldn't have to listen to people criticizing me all the time. I think people naturally are -- when they're in positions of power sometimes thinks, oh, how could that person say that about me, or that's irresponsible, or -- but the truth is that because in the United States information is free, and I have a lot of critics in the United States who can say all kinds of things about me, I actually think that that makes our democracy stronger and it makes me a better leader because it forces me to hear opinions that I don't want to hear. It forces me to examine what I'm doing on a day-to-day basis to see, am I really doing the very best that I could be doing for the people of the United States.
And I think the Internet has become an even more powerful tool for that kind of citizen participation. In fact, one of the reasons that I won the presidency was because we were able to mobilize young people like yourself to get involved through the Internet. Initially, nobody thought we could win because we didn't have necessarily the most wealthy supporters; we didn't have the most powerful political brokers. But through the Internet, people became excited about our campaign and they started to organize and meet and set up campaign activities and events and rallies. And it really ended up creating the kind of bottom-up movement that allowed us to do very well.
Now, that's not just true in -- for government and politics. It's also true for business. You think about a company like Google that only 20 years ago was -- less than 20 years ago was the idea of a couple of people not much older than you. It was a science project. And suddenly because of the Internet, they were able to create an industry that has revolutionized commerce all around the world. So if it had not been for the freedom and the openness that the Internet allows, Google wouldn't exist.
So I'm a big supporter of not restricting Internet use, Internet access, other information technologies like Twitter. The more open we are, the more we can communicate. And it also helps to draw the world together.
Think about -- when I think about my daughters, Malia and Sasha -- one is 11, one is 8 -- from their room, they can get on the Internet and they can travel to Shanghai. They can go anyplace in the world and they can learn about anything they want to learn about. And that's just an enormous power that they have. And that helps, I think, promote the kind of understanding that we talked about.
Now, as I said before, there's always a downside to technology. It also means that terrorists are able to organize on the Internet in ways that they might not have been able to do before. Extremists can mobilize. And so there's some price that you pay for openness, there's no denying that. But I think that the good outweighs the bad so much that it's better to maintain that openness. And that's part of why I'm so glad that the Internet was part of this forum. Okay?
I'm going to take two more questions. And the next one is from a gentleman, I think. Right here, yes. Here's the microphone.
Q First, I would like to say that it is a great honor for me to stand here to ask you the questions. I think I am so lucky and just appreciate that your speech is so clear that I really do not need such kind of headset. (Laughter.)
And here comes my question. My name is (inaudible) from Fudan University School of Management. And I would like to ask you the question -- is that now that someone has asked you something about the Nobel Peace Prize, but I will not ask you in the same aspect. I want to ask you in the other aspect that since it is very hard for you to get such kind of an honorable prize, and I wonder and we all wonder that -- how you struggled to get it. And what's your university/college education that brings you to get such kind of prizes? We are very curious about it and we would like to invite you to share with us your campus education experiences so as to go on the road of success.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, first of all, let me tell you that I don't know if there's a curriculum or course of study that leads you to win the Nobel Peace Prize. (Laughter.) So I can't guarantee that. But I think the recipe for success is the one that you are already following. Obviously all of you are working very hard, you're studying very hard. You're curious. You're willing to think about new ideas and think for yourself. You know, the people who I meet now that I find most inspiring who are successful I think are people who are not only willing to work very hard but are constantly trying to improve themselves and to think in new ways, and not just accept the conventional wisdom.
Obviously there are many different paths to success, and some of you are going to be going into government service; some of you might want to be teachers or professors; some of you might want to be businesspeople. But I think that whatever field you go into, if you're constantly trying to improve and never satisfied with not having done your best, and constantly asking new questions -- "Are there things that I could be doing differently? Are there new approaches to problems that nobody has thought of before, whether it's in science or technology or in the arts? -- those are usually the people who I think are able to rise about the rest.
The one last piece of advice, though, that I would have that has been useful for me is the people who I admire the most and are most successful, they're not just thinking only about themselves but they're also thinking about something larger than themselves. So they want to make a contribution to society. They want to make a contribution to their country, their nation, their city. They are interested in having an impact beyond their own immediate lives.
I think so many of us, we get caught up with wanting to make money for ourselves and have a nice car and have a nice house and -- all those things are important, but the people who really make their mark on the world is because they have a bigger ambition. They say, how can I help feed hungry people? Or, how can I help to teach children who don't have an education? Or, how can I bring about peaceful resolution of conflicts? Those are the people I think who end up making such a big difference in the world. And I'm sure that young people like you are going to be able to make that kind of difference as long as you keep working the way you've been working.
All right? All right, this is going to be the last question, unfortunately. We've run out of time so quickly. Our last Internet question, because I want to make sure that we got all three of our fine students here.
Q Mr. President, it's a great honor for the last question. And I'm a college student from Fudan University, and today I'm also the representative of China's Youth (inaudible.) And this question I think is from Beijing: Paid great attention to your Afghanistan policies, and he would like to know whether terrorism is still the greatest security concern for the United States? And how do you assess the military actions in Afghanistan, or whether it will turn into another Iraqi war? Thank you very much.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: I think that's an excellent question. Well, first of all, I do continue to believe that the greatest threat to United States' security are the terrorist networks like al Qaeda. And the reason is, is because even though they are small in number, what they have shown is, is that they have no conscience when it comes to the destruction of innocent civilians. And because of technology today, if an organization like that got a weapon of mass destruction on its hands -- a nuclear or a chemical or a biological weapon -- and they used it in a city, whether it's in Shanghai or New York, just a few individuals could potentially kill tens of thousands of people, maybe hundreds of thousands. So it really does pose an extraordinary threat.
Now, the reason we originally went into Afghanistan was because al Qaeda was in Afghanistan, being hosted by the Taliban. They have now moved over the border of Afghanistan and they are in Pakistan now, but they continue to have networks with other extremist organizations in that region. And I do believe that it is important for us to stabilize Afghanistan so that the people of Afghanistan can protect themselves, but they can also be a partner in reducing the power of these extremist networks.
Now, obviously it is a very difficult thing -- one of the hardest things about my job is ordering young men and women into the battlefield. I often have to meet with the mothers and fathers of the fallen, those who do not come home. And it is a great weight on me. It gives me a heavy heart.
Fortunately, our Armed Services is -- the young men and women who participate, they believe so strongly in their service to their country that they are willing to go. And I think that it is possible -- working in a broader coalition with our allies in NATO and others that are contributing like Australia -- to help train the Afghans so that they have a functioning government, that they have their own security forces, and then slowly we can begin to pull our troops out because there's no longer that vacuum that existed after the Taliban left.
But it's a difficult task. It's not easy. And ultimately I think in trying to defeat these terrorist extremists, it's important to understand it's not just a military exercise. We also have to think about what motivates young people to become terrorists, why would they become suicide bombers. And although there are obviously a lot of different reasons, including I think the perversion of religion, in thinking that somehow these kinds of violent acts are appropriate, part of what's happened in places like Pakistan and Afghanistan is these young people have no education, they have no opportunities, and so they see no way for them to move forward in life, and that leads them into thinking that this is their only option.
And so part of what we want to do in Afghanistan is to find ways that we can train teachers and create schools and improve agriculture so that people have a greater sense of hope. That won't change the ideas of a Osama bin Laden who are very ideologically fixed on trying to strike at the West, but it will change the pool of young people who they can recruit from. And that is at least as important, if not more important over time, as whatever military actions that we can take. Okay?
All right, I have had a wonderful time. I am so grateful to all of you. First of all, let me say I'm very impressed with all of your English. Clearly you've been studying very hard. And having a chance to meet with all of you I think has given me great hope for the future of U.S.-China relations.
I hope that many of you have the opportunity to come and travel and visit the United States. You will be welcome. I think you will find that the American people feel very warmly towards the people of China. And I am very confident that, with young people like yourselves and the young people that I know in the United States, that our two great countries will continue to prosper and help to bring about a more peaceful and secure world.
So thank you very much everybody. Thank you. (Applause.)
What I'd like to do is to make some opening comments, and then what I'm really looking forward to doing is taking questions, not only from students who are in the audience, but also we've received questions online, which will be asked by some of the students who are here in the audience, as well as by Ambassador Huntsman. And I am very sorry that my Chinese is not as good as your English, but I am looking forward to this chance to have a dialogue.
This is my first time traveling to China, and I'm excited to see this majestic country. Here, in Shanghai, we see the growth that has caught the attention of the world -- the soaring skyscrapers, the bustling streets and entrepreneurial activity. And just as I'm impressed by these signs of China's journey to the 21st century, I'm eager to see those ancient places that speak to us from China's distant past. Tomorrow and the next day I hope to have a chance when I'm in Beijing to see the majesty of the Forbidden City and the wonder of the Great Wall. Truly, this is a nation that encompasses both a rich history and a belief in the promise of the future.
The same can be said of the relationship between our two countries. Shanghai, of course, is a city that has great meaning in the history of the relationship between the United States and China. It was here, 37 years ago, that the Shanghai Communique opened the door to a new chapter of engagement between our governments and among our people. However, America's ties to this city -- and to this country -- stretch back further, to the earliest days of America's independence.
In 1784, our founding father, George Washington, commissioned the Empress of China, a ship that set sail for these shores so that it could pursue trade with the Qing Dynasty. Washington wanted to see the ship carry the flag around the globe, and to forge new ties with nations like China. This is a common American impulse -- the desire to reach for new horizons, and to forge new partnerships that are mutually beneficial.
Over the two centuries that have followed, the currents of history have steered the relationship between our countries in many directions. And even in the midst of tumultuous winds, our people had opportunities to forge deep and even dramatic ties. For instance, Americans will never forget the hospitality shown to our pilots who were shot down over your soil during World War II, and cared for by Chinese civilians who risked all that they had by doing so. And Chinese veterans of that war still warmly greet those American veterans who return to the sites where they fought to help liberate China from occupation.
A different kind of connection was made nearly 40 years ago when the frost between our countries began to thaw through the simple game of table tennis. The very unlikely nature of this engagement contributed to its success -- because for all our differences, both our common humanity and our shared curiosity were revealed. As one American player described his visit to China -- "[The]people are just like us…The country is very similar to America, but still very different."
Of course this small opening was followed by the achievement of the Shanghai Communique, and the eventual establishment of formal relations between the United States and China in 1979. And in three decades, just look at how far we have come.
In 1979, trade between the United States and China stood at roughly $5 billion -- today it tops over $400 billion each year. The commerce affects our people's lives in so many ways. America imports from China many of the computer parts we use, the clothes we wear; and we export to China machinery that helps power your industry. This trade could create even more jobs on both sides of the Pacific, while allowing our people to enjoy a better quality of life. And as demand becomes more balanced, it can lead to even broader prosperity.
In 1979, the political cooperation between the United States and China was rooted largely in our shared rivalry with the Soviet Union. Today, we have a positive, constructive and comprehensive relationship that opens the door to partnership on the key global issues of our time -- economic recovery and the development of clean energy; stopping the spread of nuclear weapons and the scourge of climate change; the promotion of peace and security in Asia and around the globe. All of these issues will be on the agenda tomorrow when I meet with President Hu.
And in 1979, the connections among our people were limited. Today, we see the curiosity of those ping-pong players manifested in the ties that are being forged across many sectors. The second highest number of foreign students in the United States come from China, and we've seen a 50 percent increase in the study of Chinese among our own students. There are nearly 200 "friendship cities" drawing our communities together. American and Chinese scientists cooperate on new research and discovery. And of course, Yao Ming is just one signal of our shared love of basketball -- I'm only sorry that I won't be able to see a Shanghai Sharks game while I'm visiting.
It is no coincidence that the relationship between our countries has accompanied a period of positive change. China has lifted hundreds of millions of people out of poverty -- an accomplishment unparalleled in human history -- while playing a larger role in global events. And the United States has seen our economy grow along with the standard of living enjoyed by our people, while bringing the Cold War to a successful conclusion.
There is a Chinese proverb: "Consider the past, and you shall know the future." Surely, we have known setbacks and challenges over the last 30 years. Our relationship has not been without disagreement and difficulty. But the notion that we must be adversaries is not predestined -- not when we consider the past. Indeed, because of our cooperation, both the United States and China are more prosperous and more secure. We have seen what is possible when we build upon our mutual interests, and engage on the basis of mutual respect.
And yet the success of that engagement depends upon understanding -- on sustaining an open dialogue, and learning about one another and from one another. For just as that American table tennis player pointed out -- we share much in common as human beings, but our countries are different in certain ways.
I believe that each country must chart its own course. China is an ancient nation, with a deeply rooted culture. The United States, by comparison, is a young nation, whose culture is determined by the many different immigrants who have come to our shores, and by the founding documents that guide our democracy.
Those documents put forward a simple vision of human affairs, and they enshrine several core principles -- that all men and women are created equal, and possess certain fundamental rights; that government should reflect the will of the people and respond to their wishes; that commerce should be open, information freely accessible; and that laws, and not simply men, should guarantee the administration of justice.
Of course, the story of our nation is not without its difficult chapters. In many ways -- over many years -- we have struggled to advance the promise of these principles to all of our people, and to forge a more perfect union. We fought a very painful civil war, and freed a portion of our population from slavery. It took time for women to be extended the right to vote, workers to win the right to organize, and for immigrants from different corners of the globe to be fully embraced. Even after they were freed, African Americans persevered through conditions that were separate and not equal, before winning full and equal rights.
None of this was easy. But we made progress because of our belief in those core principles, which have served as our compass through the darkest of storms. That is why Lincoln could stand up in the midst of civil war and declare it a struggle to see whether any nation, conceived in liberty, and "dedicated to the proposition that all men are created equal" could long endure. That is why Dr. Martin Luther King could stand on the steps of the Lincoln Memorial and ask that our nation live out the true meaning of its creed. That's why immigrants from China to Kenya could find a home on our shores; why opportunity is available to all who would work for it; and why someone like me, who less than 50 years ago would have had trouble voting in some parts of America, is now able to serve as its President.
And that is why America will always speak out for these core principles around the world. We do not seek to impose any system of government on any other nation, but we also don't believe that the principles that we stand for are unique to our nation. These freedoms of expression and worship -- of access to information and political participation -- we believe are universal rights. They should be available to all people, including ethnic and religious minorities -- whether they are in the United States, China, or any nation. Indeed, it is that respect for universal rights that guides America's openness to other countries; our respect for different cultures; our commitment to international law; and our faith in the future.
These are all things that you should know about America. I also know that we have much to learn about China. Looking around at this magnificent city -- and looking around this room -- I do believe that our nations hold something important in common, and that is a belief in the future. Neither the United States nor China is content to rest on our achievements. For while China is an ancient nation, you are also clearly looking ahead with confidence, ambition, and a commitment to see that tomorrow's generation can do better than today's.
In addition to your growing economy, we admire China's extraordinary commitment to science and research -- a commitment borne out in everything from the infrastructure you build to the technology you use. China is now the world's largest Internet user -- which is why we were so pleased to include the Internet as a part of today's event. This country now has the world's largest mobile phone network, and it is investing in the new forms of energy that can both sustain growth and combat climate change -- and I'm looking forward to deepening the partnership between the United States and China in this critical area tomorrow. But above all, I see China's future in you -- young people whose talent and dedication and dreams will do so much to help shape the 21st century.
I've said many times that I believe that our world is now fundamentally interconnected. The jobs we do, the prosperity we build, the environment we protect, the security that we seek -- all of these things are shared. And given that interconnection, power in the 21st century is no longer a zero-sum game; one country's success need not come at the expense of another. And that is why the United States insists we do not seek to contain China's rise. On the contrary, we welcome China as a strong and prosperous and successful member of the community of nations -- a China that draws on the rights, strengths, and creativity of individual Chinese like you.
To return to the proverb -- consider the past. We know that more is to be gained when great powers cooperate than when they collide. That is a lesson that human beings have learned time and again, and that is the example of the history between our nations. And I believe strongly that cooperation must go beyond our government. It must be rooted in our people -- in the studies we share, the business that we do, the knowledge that we gain, and even in the sports that we play. And these bridges must be built by young men and women just like you and your counterparts in America.
That's why I'm pleased to announce that the United States will dramatically expand the number of our students who study in China to 100,000. And these exchanges mark a clear commitment to build ties among our people, as surely as you will help determine the destiny of the 21st century. And I'm absolutely confident that America has no better ambassadors to offer than our young people. For they, just like you, are filled with talent and energy and optimism about the history that is yet to be written.
So let this be the next step in the steady pursuit of cooperation that will serve our nations, and the world. And if there's one thing that we can take from today's dialogue, I hope that it is a commitment to continue this dialogue going forward.
So thank you very much. And I look forward now to taking some questions from all of you. Thank you very much. (Applause.)
So -- I just want to make sure this works. This is a tradition, by the way, that is very common in the United States at these town hall meetings. And what we're going to do is I will just -- if you are interested in asking a question, you can raise your hands. I will call on you. And then I will alternate between a question from the audience and an Internet question from one of the students who prepared the questions, as well as I think Ambassador Huntsman may have a question that we were able to obtain from the Web site of our embassy.
So let me begin, though, by seeing -- and then what I'll do is I'll call on a boy and then a girl and then -- so we'll go back and forth, so that you know it's fair. All right? So I'll start with this young lady right in the front. Why don't we wait for this microphone so everyone can hear you. And what's your name?
Q My name is (inaudible) and I am a student from Fudan University. Shanghai and Chicago have been sister cities since 1985, and these two cities have conduct a wide range of economic, political, and cultural exchanges. So what measures will you take to deepen this close relationship between cities of the United States and China? And Shanghai will hold the World Exposition next year. Will you bring your family to visit the Expo? Thank you.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, thank you very much for the question. I was just having lunch before I came here with the Mayor of Shanghai, and he told me that he has had an excellent relationship with the city of Chicago -- my home town -- that he's visited there twice. And I think it's wonderful to have these exchanges between cities.
One of the things that I discussed with the Mayor is how both cities can learn from each other on strategies around clean energy, because one of the issues that ties China and America together is how, with an expanding population and a concern for climate change, that we're able to reduce our carbon footprint. And obviously in the United States and many developed countries, per capita, per individual, they are already using much more energy than each individual here in China. But as China grows and expands, it's going to be using more energy as well. So both countries have a great interest in finding new strategies.
We talked about mass transit and the excellent rail lines that are being developed in Shanghai. I think we can learn in Chicago and the United States some of the fine work that's being done on high-speed rail.
In the United States, I think we are learning how to develop buildings that use much less energy, that are much more energy-efficient. And I know that with Shanghai, as I traveled and I saw all the cranes and all the new buildings that are going up, it's very important for us to start incorporating these new technologies so that each building is energy-efficient when it comes to lighting, when it comes to heating. And so it's a terrific opportunity I think for us to learn from each other.
I know this is going to be a major focus of the Shanghai World Expo, is the issue of clean energy, as I learned from the Mayor. And so I would love to attend. I'm not sure yet what my schedule is going to be, but I'm very pleased that we're going to have an excellent U.S. pavilion at the Expo, and I understand that we expect as many as 70 million visitors here. So it's going to be very crowded and it's going to be very exciting.
Chicago has had two world expos in its history, and both of those expos ended up being tremendous boosts for the city. So I'm sure the same thing will happen here in Shanghai.
Thank you. (Applause.)
Why don't we get one of the questions from the Internet? And introduce yourself, in case --
Q First shall I say it in Chinese, and then the English, okay?
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Yes.
Q I want to pose a question from the Internet. I want to thank you, Mr. President, for visiting China in your first year in office, and exchange views with us in China. I want to know what are you bringing to China, your visit to China this time, and what will you bring back to the United States? (Applause.)
PRESIDENT OBAMA: The main purpose of my trip is to deepen my understanding of China and its vision for the future. I have had several meetings now with President Hu. We participated together in the G20 that was dealing with the economic financial crisis. We have had consultations about a wide range of issues. But I think it's very important for the United States to continually deepen its understanding of China, just as it's important for China to continually deepen its understanding of the United States.
In terms of what I'd like to get out of this meeting, or this visit, in addition to having the wonderful opportunity to see the Forbidden City and the Great Wall, and to meet with all of you -- these are all highlights -- but in addition to that, the discussions that I intend to have with President Hu speak to the point that Ambassador Huntsman made earlier, which is there are very few global challenges that can be solved unless the United States and China agree.
So let me give you a specific example, and that is the issue we were just discussing of climate change. The United States and China are the world's two largest emitters of greenhouse gases, of carbon that is causing the planet to warm. Now, the United States, as a highly developed country, as I said before, per capita, consumes much more energy and emits much more greenhouse gases for each individual than does China. On the other hand, China is growing at a much faster pace and it has a much larger population. So unless both of our countries are willing to take critical steps in dealing with this issue, we will not be able to resolve it.
There's going to be a Copenhagen conference in December in which world leaders are trying to find a recipe so that we can all make commitments that are differentiated so each country would not have the same obligations -- obviously China, which has much more poverty, should not have to do exactly the same thing as the United States -- but all of us should have these certain obligations in terms of what our plan will be to reduce these greenhouse gases.
So that's an example of what I hope to get out of this meeting -- a meeting of the minds between myself and President Hu about how together the United States and China can show leadership. Because I will tell you, other countries around the world will be waiting for us. They will watch to see what we do. And if they say, ah, you know, the United States and China, they're not serious about this, then they won't be serious either. That is the burden of leadership that both of our countries now carry. And my hope is, is that the more discussion and dialogue that we have, the more we are able to show this leadership to the world on these many critical issues. Okay? (Applause.)
All right, it's a -- I think it must be a boy's turn now. Right? So I'll call on this young man right here.
Q (As translated.) Mr. President, good afternoon. I'm from Tongji University. I want to cite a saying from Confucius: "It is always good to have a friend coming from afar." In Confucius books, there is a great saying which says that harmony is good, but also we uphold differences. China advocates a harmonious world. We know that the United States develops a culture that features diversity. I want to know, what will your government do to build a diversified world with different cultures? What would you do to respect the different cultures and histories of other countries? And what kinds of cooperation we can conduct in the future?
PRESIDENT OBAMA: This is an excellent point. The United States, one of our strengths is that we are a very diverse culture. We have people coming from all around the world. And so there's no one definition of what an American looks like. In my own family, I have a father who was from Kenya; I have a mother who was from Kansas, in the Midwest of the United States; my sister is half-Indonesian; she's married to a Chinese person from Canada. So when you see family gatherings in the Obama household, it looks like the United Nations. (Laughter.)
And that is a great strength of the United States, because it means that we learn from different cultures and different foods and different ideas, and that has made us a much more dynamic society.
Now, what is also true is that each country in this interconnected world has its own culture and its own history and its own traditions. And I think it's very important for the United States not to assume that what is good for us is automatically good for somebody else. And we have to have some modesty about our attitudes towards other countries.
I have to say, though, as I said in my opening remarks, that we do believe that there are certain fundamental principles that are common to all people, regardless of culture. So, for example, in the United Nations we are very active in trying to make sure that children all around the world are treated with certain basic rights -- that if children are being exploited, if there's forced labor for children, that despite the fact that that may have taken place in the past in many different countries, including the United States, that all countries of the world now should have developed to the point where we are treating children better than we did in the past. That's a universal value.
I believe, for example, the same thing holds true when it comes to the treatment of women. I had a very interesting discussion with the Mayor of Shanghai during lunch right before I came, and he informed me that in many professions now here in China, there are actually more women enrolled in college than there are men, and that they are doing very well. I think that is an excellent indicator of progress, because it turns out that if you look at development around the world, one of the best indicators of whether or not a country does well is how well it educates its girls and how it treats its women. And countries that are tapping into the talents and the energy of women and giving them educations typically do better economically than countries that don't.
So, now, obviously difficult cultures may have different attitudes about the relationship between men and women, but I think it is the view of the United States that it is important for us to affirm the rights of women all around the world. And if we see certain societies in which women are oppressed, or they are not getting opportunities, or there is violence towards women, we will speak out.
Now, there may be some people who disagree with us, and we can have a dialogue about that. But we think it's important, nevertheless, to be true to our ideals and our values. And we -- and when we do so, though, we will always do so with the humility and understanding that we are not perfect and that we still have much progress to make. If you talk to women in America, they will tell you that there are still men who have a lot of old-fashioned ideas about the role of women in society. And so we don't claim that we have solved all these problems, but we do think that it's important for us to speak out on behalf of these universal ideals and these universal values.
Okay? All right. We're going to take a question from the Internet.
Q Hello, Mr. President. It's a great honor to be here and meet you in person.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you.
Q I will be reading a question selected on the Internet to you, and this question is from somebody from Taiwan. In his question, he said: I come from Taiwan. Now I am doing business on the mainland. And due to improved cross-straits relations in recent years, my business in China is doing quite well. So when I heard the news that some people in America would like to propose -- continue selling arms and weapons to Taiwan, I begin to get pretty worried. I worry that this may make our cross-straits relations suffer. So I would like to know if, Mr. President, are you supportive of improved cross-straits relations? And although this question is from a businessman, actually, it's a question of keen concern to all of us young Chinese students, so we'd really like to know your position on this question. Thank you. (Applause.)
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you. Well, I have been clear in the past that my administration fully supports a one-China policy, as reflected in the three joint communiqués that date back several decades, in terms of our relations with Taiwan as well as our relations with the People's Republic of China. We don't want to change that policy and that approach.
I am very pleased with the reduction of tensions and the improvement in cross-straits relations, and it is my deep desire and hope that we will continue to see great improvement between Taiwan and the rest of -- and the People's Republic in resolving many of these issues.
One of the things that I think that the United States, in terms of its foreign policy and its policy with respect to China, is always seeking is ways that through dialogue and negotiations, problems can be solved. We always think that's the better course. And I think that economic ties and commercial ties that are taking place in this region are helping to lower a lot of the tensions that date back before you were born or even before I was born.
Now, there are some people who still look towards the past when it comes to these issues, as opposed to looking towards the future. I prefer to look towards the future. And as I said, I think the commercial ties that are taking place -- there's something about when people think that they can do business and make money that makes them think very clearly and not worry as much about ideology. And I think that that's starting to happen in this region, and we are very supportive of that process. Okay?
Let's see, it's a girl's turn now, right? Yes, right there. Yes. Hold on, let's get -- whoops, I'm sorry, they took the mic back here. I'll call on you next.
Go ahead, and then I'll go up here later. Go ahead.
Q Thank you.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: I'll call on you later. But I'll on her first and then I'll call on you afterwards.
Go ahead.
Q Okay, thank you. Mr. President, I'm a student from Shanghai Jiao Tong University. I have a question concerning the Nobel Prize for Peace. In your opinion, what's the main reason that you were honored the Nobel Prize for Peace? And will it give you more responsibility and pressure to -- more pressure and the responsibility to promote world peace? And will it bring you -- will it influence your ideas while dealing with the international affairs? Thank you very much.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Thank you. That was an excellent question. I have to say that nobody was more surprised than me about winning the Nobel Prize for Peace. Obviously it's a great honor. I don't believe necessarily that it's an honor I deserve, given the extraordinary history of people who have won the prize. All I can do is to, with great humility, accept the fact that I think the committee was inspired by the American people and the possibilities of changing not only America but also America's approach to the world. And so in some ways I think they gave me the prize but I was more just a symbol of the shift in our approach to world affairs that we are trying to promote.
In terms of the burden that I feel, I am extraordinarily honored to be put in the position of President. And as my wife always reminds me when I complain that I'm working too hard, she says, you volunteered for this job. (Laughter.) And so you -- there's a saying -- I don't know if there's a similar saying in China -- we have a saying: "You made your bed, now you have to sleep in it." And it basically means you have to be careful what you ask for because you might get it.
I think that all of us have obligations for trying to promote peace in the world. It's not always easy to do. There are still a lot of conflicts in the world that are -- date back for centuries. If you look at the Middle East, there are wars and conflict that are rooted in arguments going back a thousand years. In many parts of the world -- let's say, in the continent of Africa -- there are ethnic and tribal conflicts that are very hard to resolve.
And obviously, right now, as President of the United States, part of my job is to serve as Commander-in-Chief, and my first priority is to protect the American people. And because of the attacks on 9/11 and the terrorism that has been taking place around the world where innocent people are being killed, it is my obligation to make sure that we root out these terrorist organizations, and that we cooperate with other countries in terms of dealing with this kind of violence.
Nevertheless, although I don't think that we can ever completely eliminate violence between nations or between peoples, I think that we can definitely reduce the violence between peoples -- through dialogue, through the exchange of ideas, through greater understanding between peoples and between cultures.
And particularly now when just one individual can detonate a bomb that causes so much destruction, it is more important than ever that we pursue these strategies for peace. Technology is a powerful instrument for good, but it has also given the possibility for just a few people to cause enormous damage. And that's why I'm hopeful that in my meetings with President Hu and on an ongoing basis, both the United States and China can work together to try to reduce conflicts that are taking place.
We have to do so, though, also keeping in mind that when we use our military, because we're such big and strong countries, that we have to be self-reflective about what we do; that we have to examine our own motives and our own interests to make sure that we are not simply using our military forces because nobody can stop us. That's a burden that great countries, great powers, have, is to act responsibly in the community of nations. And my hope is, is that the United States and China together can help to create an international norms that reduce conflict around the world. (Applause.)
Okay. All right? Jon -- I'm going to call on my Ambassador because I think he has a question that was generated through the Web site of our embassy. This was selected, though, by I think one of the members of our U.S. press corps so that --
AMBASSADOR HUNTSMAN: That's right. And not surprisingly, "in a country with 350 million Internet users and 60 million bloggers, do you know of the firewall?" And second, "should we be able to use Twitter freely" -- is the question.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, first of all, let me say that I have never used Twitter. I noticed that young people -- they're very busy with all these electronics. My thumbs are too clumsy to type in things on the phone. But I am a big believer in technology and I'm a big believer in openness when it comes to the flow of information. I think that the more freely information flows, the stronger the society becomes, because then citizens of countries around the world can hold their own governments accountable. They can begin to think for themselves. That generates new ideas. It encourages creativity.
And so I've always been a strong supporter of open Internet use. I'm a big supporter of non-censorship. This is part of the tradition of the United States that I discussed before, and I recognize that different countries have different traditions. I can tell you that in the United States, the fact that we have free Internet -- or unrestricted Internet access is a source of strength, and I think should be encouraged.
Now, I should tell you, I should be honest, as President of the United States, there are times where I wish information didn't flow so freely because then I wouldn't have to listen to people criticizing me all the time. I think people naturally are -- when they're in positions of power sometimes thinks, oh, how could that person say that about me, or that's irresponsible, or -- but the truth is that because in the United States information is free, and I have a lot of critics in the United States who can say all kinds of things about me, I actually think that that makes our democracy stronger and it makes me a better leader because it forces me to hear opinions that I don't want to hear. It forces me to examine what I'm doing on a day-to-day basis to see, am I really doing the very best that I could be doing for the people of the United States.
And I think the Internet has become an even more powerful tool for that kind of citizen participation. In fact, one of the reasons that I won the presidency was because we were able to mobilize young people like yourself to get involved through the Internet. Initially, nobody thought we could win because we didn't have necessarily the most wealthy supporters; we didn't have the most powerful political brokers. But through the Internet, people became excited about our campaign and they started to organize and meet and set up campaign activities and events and rallies. And it really ended up creating the kind of bottom-up movement that allowed us to do very well.
Now, that's not just true in -- for government and politics. It's also true for business. You think about a company like Google that only 20 years ago was -- less than 20 years ago was the idea of a couple of people not much older than you. It was a science project. And suddenly because of the Internet, they were able to create an industry that has revolutionized commerce all around the world. So if it had not been for the freedom and the openness that the Internet allows, Google wouldn't exist.
So I'm a big supporter of not restricting Internet use, Internet access, other information technologies like Twitter. The more open we are, the more we can communicate. And it also helps to draw the world together.
Think about -- when I think about my daughters, Malia and Sasha -- one is 11, one is 8 -- from their room, they can get on the Internet and they can travel to Shanghai. They can go anyplace in the world and they can learn about anything they want to learn about. And that's just an enormous power that they have. And that helps, I think, promote the kind of understanding that we talked about.
Now, as I said before, there's always a downside to technology. It also means that terrorists are able to organize on the Internet in ways that they might not have been able to do before. Extremists can mobilize. And so there's some price that you pay for openness, there's no denying that. But I think that the good outweighs the bad so much that it's better to maintain that openness. And that's part of why I'm so glad that the Internet was part of this forum. Okay?
I'm going to take two more questions. And the next one is from a gentleman, I think. Right here, yes. Here's the microphone.
Q First, I would like to say that it is a great honor for me to stand here to ask you the questions. I think I am so lucky and just appreciate that your speech is so clear that I really do not need such kind of headset. (Laughter.)
And here comes my question. My name is (inaudible) from Fudan University School of Management. And I would like to ask you the question -- is that now that someone has asked you something about the Nobel Peace Prize, but I will not ask you in the same aspect. I want to ask you in the other aspect that since it is very hard for you to get such kind of an honorable prize, and I wonder and we all wonder that -- how you struggled to get it. And what's your university/college education that brings you to get such kind of prizes? We are very curious about it and we would like to invite you to share with us your campus education experiences so as to go on the road of success.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: Well, first of all, let me tell you that I don't know if there's a curriculum or course of study that leads you to win the Nobel Peace Prize. (Laughter.) So I can't guarantee that. But I think the recipe for success is the one that you are already following. Obviously all of you are working very hard, you're studying very hard. You're curious. You're willing to think about new ideas and think for yourself. You know, the people who I meet now that I find most inspiring who are successful I think are people who are not only willing to work very hard but are constantly trying to improve themselves and to think in new ways, and not just accept the conventional wisdom.
Obviously there are many different paths to success, and some of you are going to be going into government service; some of you might want to be teachers or professors; some of you might want to be businesspeople. But I think that whatever field you go into, if you're constantly trying to improve and never satisfied with not having done your best, and constantly asking new questions -- "Are there things that I could be doing differently? Are there new approaches to problems that nobody has thought of before, whether it's in science or technology or in the arts? -- those are usually the people who I think are able to rise about the rest.
The one last piece of advice, though, that I would have that has been useful for me is the people who I admire the most and are most successful, they're not just thinking only about themselves but they're also thinking about something larger than themselves. So they want to make a contribution to society. They want to make a contribution to their country, their nation, their city. They are interested in having an impact beyond their own immediate lives.
I think so many of us, we get caught up with wanting to make money for ourselves and have a nice car and have a nice house and -- all those things are important, but the people who really make their mark on the world is because they have a bigger ambition. They say, how can I help feed hungry people? Or, how can I help to teach children who don't have an education? Or, how can I bring about peaceful resolution of conflicts? Those are the people I think who end up making such a big difference in the world. And I'm sure that young people like you are going to be able to make that kind of difference as long as you keep working the way you've been working.
All right? All right, this is going to be the last question, unfortunately. We've run out of time so quickly. Our last Internet question, because I want to make sure that we got all three of our fine students here.
Q Mr. President, it's a great honor for the last question. And I'm a college student from Fudan University, and today I'm also the representative of China's Youth (inaudible.) And this question I think is from Beijing: Paid great attention to your Afghanistan policies, and he would like to know whether terrorism is still the greatest security concern for the United States? And how do you assess the military actions in Afghanistan, or whether it will turn into another Iraqi war? Thank you very much.
PRESIDENT OBAMA: I think that's an excellent question. Well, first of all, I do continue to believe that the greatest threat to United States' security are the terrorist networks like al Qaeda. And the reason is, is because even though they are small in number, what they have shown is, is that they have no conscience when it comes to the destruction of innocent civilians. And because of technology today, if an organization like that got a weapon of mass destruction on its hands -- a nuclear or a chemical or a biological weapon -- and they used it in a city, whether it's in Shanghai or New York, just a few individuals could potentially kill tens of thousands of people, maybe hundreds of thousands. So it really does pose an extraordinary threat.
Now, the reason we originally went into Afghanistan was because al Qaeda was in Afghanistan, being hosted by the Taliban. They have now moved over the border of Afghanistan and they are in Pakistan now, but they continue to have networks with other extremist organizations in that region. And I do believe that it is important for us to stabilize Afghanistan so that the people of Afghanistan can protect themselves, but they can also be a partner in reducing the power of these extremist networks.
Now, obviously it is a very difficult thing -- one of the hardest things about my job is ordering young men and women into the battlefield. I often have to meet with the mothers and fathers of the fallen, those who do not come home. And it is a great weight on me. It gives me a heavy heart.
Fortunately, our Armed Services is -- the young men and women who participate, they believe so strongly in their service to their country that they are willing to go. And I think that it is possible -- working in a broader coalition with our allies in NATO and others that are contributing like Australia -- to help train the Afghans so that they have a functioning government, that they have their own security forces, and then slowly we can begin to pull our troops out because there's no longer that vacuum that existed after the Taliban left.
But it's a difficult task. It's not easy. And ultimately I think in trying to defeat these terrorist extremists, it's important to understand it's not just a military exercise. We also have to think about what motivates young people to become terrorists, why would they become suicide bombers. And although there are obviously a lot of different reasons, including I think the perversion of religion, in thinking that somehow these kinds of violent acts are appropriate, part of what's happened in places like Pakistan and Afghanistan is these young people have no education, they have no opportunities, and so they see no way for them to move forward in life, and that leads them into thinking that this is their only option.
And so part of what we want to do in Afghanistan is to find ways that we can train teachers and create schools and improve agriculture so that people have a greater sense of hope. That won't change the ideas of a Osama bin Laden who are very ideologically fixed on trying to strike at the West, but it will change the pool of young people who they can recruit from. And that is at least as important, if not more important over time, as whatever military actions that we can take. Okay?
All right, I have had a wonderful time. I am so grateful to all of you. First of all, let me say I'm very impressed with all of your English. Clearly you've been studying very hard. And having a chance to meet with all of you I think has given me great hope for the future of U.S.-China relations.
I hope that many of you have the opportunity to come and travel and visit the United States. You will be welcome. I think you will find that the American people feel very warmly towards the people of China. And I am very confident that, with young people like yourselves and the young people that I know in the United States, that our two great countries will continue to prosper and help to bring about a more peaceful and secure world.
So thank you very much everybody. Thank you. (Applause.)
2009年3月22日星期日
Obama is walking the path of Gandhi
By Sat Paul Goyal
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi was born on Oct. 2, 1869, at Porbandar, Gujarat, India. He went to England to study law before taking an attorney's job in Durban, South Africa. He was thrown out of a first-class train compartment when traveling from Durban to Pretoria and denied accommodation at Grand National Hotel because of his race. Embittered by the humiliating experience, Gandhi fought against the South African practice of racial prejudice and injustice; he won the case, and unjust laws were abolished.
He became a political activist after returning to India, and millions followed his crusade against the British rule. By segregating India's people, the British maintained the favor of the rich and absolute control over the masses. Gandhi's Durban experience was a unique model to transform India. He soon became the leader of Freedom Movement. All over India there were agitations and uprising against the British rule. People went on Satyagraha (civil disobedience), asking the British to quit India. He awakened India's consciousness and led the struggle till India gained its freedom in 1947.
Gandhi was assassinated by a Hindu fanatic on Jan. 30, 1948. Later that evening, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, addressing the nation, said, "The light has gone out of our lives and there is darkness everywhere." In a moving tribute to Gandhi, Albert Einstein said, "Generations to come, it may be, will scarce believe that such a one as this ever in flesh and blood walked upon this earth."
Mahatma Gandhi dedicated his whole life for the service of humanity.
Values of truthfulness, honesty and integrity were instilled in him from the very beginning. He was an incredible fighter whose instrument of nonviolence, prayer and reflection became more powerful than guns and mighty empires.
"Nonviolence is the law of our species, as violence is the law of the brute," Gandhi asserted. His teachings inspired Martin Luther King Jr., Nelson Mandela and many others. President Barack Obama was inspired by Gandhi's individual charisma and relentless pursuit of reaching out to masses to feel the pain and aspirations in their ordinary lives.
Gandhi believed in the power of ordinary citizens. He never sought power or position for himself but sought truth and peaceful coexistence of diverse faiths and communities. Simple activities of life were very sacred to him. "I'm spinning the destiny of my nation," Gandhi would say while working on his spinning wheel.
His fasts, marches, and prayer sessions fired the imaginations of the oppressed and the privileged alike wherever he went. His tireless pursuit liberated India and sped the end of colonial empires around the world. Gandhi gave it a magical name: Satyagraha (Truth-Force) and he added another dimension to it: Ahimsa (Nonviolence).
Satyagraha and Ahimsa together became his blueprint of social and political transformation. "I have nothing new to teach the world. Truth and nonviolence are as old as the hills," he used to say.
President Obama is following Gandhi's footsteps. He has chosen peace over war and diplomacy over discord. He has treated his political opponents with utmost respect and even asked for their advice. His choice of Hillary Clinton as the Secretary of State shows Obama's magnanimity and vision on Gandhian lines. His political agenda is to lead the country from "peril to progress" and the world towards peace, friendship, and understanding.
Obama attended Columbia University and Harvard Law School. Like Gandhi, Obama worked for a small civil rights firm before entering politics. His "audacity of hope" and other speeches have appealed to American masses as did Gandhi's multifaith group prayers and rallies for peace and awakening.
Obama is brilliant, eloquent, dynamic, warm and committed to clean politics. His inspiration comes from Gandhi, Martin Luther King Jr., and Abraham Lincoln. Charm, sophistication, vision, and discipline overflow in his person. He is echoing Gandhi's spirit by choosing "hope over fear."
Jan. 20, people from the grandest capitals in the world to the smallest villages across the globe watched Obama delivering the Inaugural speech with his characteristic eloquence to let the whole world "know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity. And that we are ready to lead once more."
Let us pray that President Obama lives up to his promise and his evocation of hope becomes people's power to transform not only America but the whole world through peace and love instead of missiles and hatred.
Mohandas Karamchand Gandhi was born on Oct. 2, 1869, at Porbandar, Gujarat, India. He went to England to study law before taking an attorney's job in Durban, South Africa. He was thrown out of a first-class train compartment when traveling from Durban to Pretoria and denied accommodation at Grand National Hotel because of his race. Embittered by the humiliating experience, Gandhi fought against the South African practice of racial prejudice and injustice; he won the case, and unjust laws were abolished.
He became a political activist after returning to India, and millions followed his crusade against the British rule. By segregating India's people, the British maintained the favor of the rich and absolute control over the masses. Gandhi's Durban experience was a unique model to transform India. He soon became the leader of Freedom Movement. All over India there were agitations and uprising against the British rule. People went on Satyagraha (civil disobedience), asking the British to quit India. He awakened India's consciousness and led the struggle till India gained its freedom in 1947.
Gandhi was assassinated by a Hindu fanatic on Jan. 30, 1948. Later that evening, Prime Minister Jawaharlal Nehru, addressing the nation, said, "The light has gone out of our lives and there is darkness everywhere." In a moving tribute to Gandhi, Albert Einstein said, "Generations to come, it may be, will scarce believe that such a one as this ever in flesh and blood walked upon this earth."
Mahatma Gandhi dedicated his whole life for the service of humanity.
Values of truthfulness, honesty and integrity were instilled in him from the very beginning. He was an incredible fighter whose instrument of nonviolence, prayer and reflection became more powerful than guns and mighty empires.
"Nonviolence is the law of our species, as violence is the law of the brute," Gandhi asserted. His teachings inspired Martin Luther King Jr., Nelson Mandela and many others. President Barack Obama was inspired by Gandhi's individual charisma and relentless pursuit of reaching out to masses to feel the pain and aspirations in their ordinary lives.
Gandhi believed in the power of ordinary citizens. He never sought power or position for himself but sought truth and peaceful coexistence of diverse faiths and communities. Simple activities of life were very sacred to him. "I'm spinning the destiny of my nation," Gandhi would say while working on his spinning wheel.
His fasts, marches, and prayer sessions fired the imaginations of the oppressed and the privileged alike wherever he went. His tireless pursuit liberated India and sped the end of colonial empires around the world. Gandhi gave it a magical name: Satyagraha (Truth-Force) and he added another dimension to it: Ahimsa (Nonviolence).
Satyagraha and Ahimsa together became his blueprint of social and political transformation. "I have nothing new to teach the world. Truth and nonviolence are as old as the hills," he used to say.
President Obama is following Gandhi's footsteps. He has chosen peace over war and diplomacy over discord. He has treated his political opponents with utmost respect and even asked for their advice. His choice of Hillary Clinton as the Secretary of State shows Obama's magnanimity and vision on Gandhian lines. His political agenda is to lead the country from "peril to progress" and the world towards peace, friendship, and understanding.
Obama attended Columbia University and Harvard Law School. Like Gandhi, Obama worked for a small civil rights firm before entering politics. His "audacity of hope" and other speeches have appealed to American masses as did Gandhi's multifaith group prayers and rallies for peace and awakening.
Obama is brilliant, eloquent, dynamic, warm and committed to clean politics. His inspiration comes from Gandhi, Martin Luther King Jr., and Abraham Lincoln. Charm, sophistication, vision, and discipline overflow in his person. He is echoing Gandhi's spirit by choosing "hope over fear."
Jan. 20, people from the grandest capitals in the world to the smallest villages across the globe watched Obama delivering the Inaugural speech with his characteristic eloquence to let the whole world "know that America is a friend of each nation and every man, woman, and child who seeks a future of peace and dignity. And that we are ready to lead once more."
Let us pray that President Obama lives up to his promise and his evocation of hope becomes people's power to transform not only America but the whole world through peace and love instead of missiles and hatred.
2009年1月23日星期五
Who wrote Barack Obama's inauguration speech?
It was crafted in Starbucks by a 27-year-old.
When Barack Obama steps up to the podium to deliver his inaugural address, one man standing anonymously in the crowd will be paying especially close attention. With his cropped hair, five o'clock shadow and boyish face, he might look out of place among the dignitaries, though as co-author of the speech this man has more claim than most to be a witness to this moment of history.
Jon Favreau, 27, is, as Obama himself puts it, the president's mind reader. He is one of the youngest chief speechwriters on record in the White House, and, despite such youth, was at the centre of discussions of the content of today's speech, one which has so much riding on it.
For a politician whose rise to prominence was largely built upon his powers as an orator, Obama is well versed in the arts of speech-making. But today's effort will tower over all previous ones.
It is not just that Obama has set an extremely high bar by invoking the inaugural speeches of Abraham Lincoln as his inspiration - admitting to feeling "intimidated" when he read them. It is also that, as he begins his term with the US in an economic crisis and two wars, he knows he needs to kick start his presidency with a soaring rhetoric that both moves and motivates the American people.
The tone of the speech could be decisive in determining how the public responds to his first 100 days, as Franklin Roosevelt's famous line "the only thing we have to fear is fear itself" helped to determine his.
Obama aides have let it be known that a key theme will be restoring responsibility - both in terms of accountability in Washington and the responsibility of ordinary people to get involved. Rahm Emanuel, Obama's chief of staff, talks of a "culture of responsibility" that would "not just be asked of the American people; its leaders must also lead by example."
In composing the high notes of the speech, Obama has leant on Favreau, whom he discovered almost by chance four years ago when the younger man was working on John Kerry's failed presidential bid. "Favs" has since studied Obama's speech patterns and cadences with the intensity of a stalker. He memorised the 2004 speech to the Democratic national convention which first brought Obama into the limelight. He is said to carry Obama's autobiography, Dreams From My Father, wherever he goes. As a result, last November when Favreau sat down to write the first draft of the inaugural address, he could conjure up his master's voice as if an accomplished impersonator.
That skill had been put to almost daily use in the 18 months of brutal campaigning on the presidential trail. Favreau would be up most nights until 3am, honing the next day's stump speeches in a caffeine haze of espressos and Red Bull energy drinks, taking breaks to play the video game Rock Band. He coined a phrase for this late-night deadline surfing: "crashing".
He crashed his way through all Obama's most memorable speeches. He wrote the draft of one that helped to turn Iowa for Obama while closeted in a coffee shop in Des Moines. For the presidential election, he wrote two speeches: one for a victory, one for defeat. When the result came through, he emailed his best friend: "Dude, we won. Oh my God."
The tension between such youthful outbursts and his onerous role has sometimes cost the 27-year-old. In December, pictures of him and a friend mocking a cardboard cut-out of Hillary Clinton at a party, Favreau's hand on her breast, were posted on Facebook to his huge embarrassment.
Obama is an accomplished writer in his own right, and the process of drafting with his mind reader is collaborative. The inaugural speech has shuttled between them four or five times, following an initial hour-long meeting in which the president-elect spoke about his vision for the address, and Favreau took notes on his computer.
Favreau then went away and spent weeks on research. His team interviewed historians and speech writers, studied periods of crisis, and listened to past inaugural orations. When ready, he took up residence in Starbucks in Washington and wrote the first draft. The end result will be uttered on the steps of the Capitol.
Obama's mind reader has crashed his way through yet another deadline
Biography
Favreau is of French-Canadian descent. He graduated from the College of the Holy Cross in 2003 as the valedictorian, and soon after joined Senator John Kerry's 2004 presidential campaign. Obama communications aide Robert Gibbs, who had worked for Kerry's campaign, recommended his former colleague Favreau to Obama as an excellent writer, and in 2005 he began working for Barack Obama in his U.S. Senate office, before joining Obama's presidential campaign as chief speechwriter in 2007.
Favreau has likened his position to "Ted Williams’s batting coach," because of Obama's celebrated abilities as a speaker and writer. Obama senior adviser David Axelrod said of Favreau, "Barack trusts him ... And Barack doesn't trust too many folks with that — the notion of surrendering that much authority over his own words."
On December 5, 2008, a picture of Favreau grabbing a breast of a cardboard cut-out of Hillary Clinton surfaced on Facebook. Favreau issued an apology to Clinton, whose spokesman referred to the photo as "an example of just good-natured fun between former rival camps."
When Barack Obama steps up to the podium to deliver his inaugural address, one man standing anonymously in the crowd will be paying especially close attention. With his cropped hair, five o'clock shadow and boyish face, he might look out of place among the dignitaries, though as co-author of the speech this man has more claim than most to be a witness to this moment of history.
Jon Favreau, 27, is, as Obama himself puts it, the president's mind reader. He is one of the youngest chief speechwriters on record in the White House, and, despite such youth, was at the centre of discussions of the content of today's speech, one which has so much riding on it.
For a politician whose rise to prominence was largely built upon his powers as an orator, Obama is well versed in the arts of speech-making. But today's effort will tower over all previous ones.
It is not just that Obama has set an extremely high bar by invoking the inaugural speeches of Abraham Lincoln as his inspiration - admitting to feeling "intimidated" when he read them. It is also that, as he begins his term with the US in an economic crisis and two wars, he knows he needs to kick start his presidency with a soaring rhetoric that both moves and motivates the American people.
The tone of the speech could be decisive in determining how the public responds to his first 100 days, as Franklin Roosevelt's famous line "the only thing we have to fear is fear itself" helped to determine his.
Obama aides have let it be known that a key theme will be restoring responsibility - both in terms of accountability in Washington and the responsibility of ordinary people to get involved. Rahm Emanuel, Obama's chief of staff, talks of a "culture of responsibility" that would "not just be asked of the American people; its leaders must also lead by example."
In composing the high notes of the speech, Obama has leant on Favreau, whom he discovered almost by chance four years ago when the younger man was working on John Kerry's failed presidential bid. "Favs" has since studied Obama's speech patterns and cadences with the intensity of a stalker. He memorised the 2004 speech to the Democratic national convention which first brought Obama into the limelight. He is said to carry Obama's autobiography, Dreams From My Father, wherever he goes. As a result, last November when Favreau sat down to write the first draft of the inaugural address, he could conjure up his master's voice as if an accomplished impersonator.
That skill had been put to almost daily use in the 18 months of brutal campaigning on the presidential trail. Favreau would be up most nights until 3am, honing the next day's stump speeches in a caffeine haze of espressos and Red Bull energy drinks, taking breaks to play the video game Rock Band. He coined a phrase for this late-night deadline surfing: "crashing".
He crashed his way through all Obama's most memorable speeches. He wrote the draft of one that helped to turn Iowa for Obama while closeted in a coffee shop in Des Moines. For the presidential election, he wrote two speeches: one for a victory, one for defeat. When the result came through, he emailed his best friend: "Dude, we won. Oh my God."
The tension between such youthful outbursts and his onerous role has sometimes cost the 27-year-old. In December, pictures of him and a friend mocking a cardboard cut-out of Hillary Clinton at a party, Favreau's hand on her breast, were posted on Facebook to his huge embarrassment.
Obama is an accomplished writer in his own right, and the process of drafting with his mind reader is collaborative. The inaugural speech has shuttled between them four or five times, following an initial hour-long meeting in which the president-elect spoke about his vision for the address, and Favreau took notes on his computer.
Favreau then went away and spent weeks on research. His team interviewed historians and speech writers, studied periods of crisis, and listened to past inaugural orations. When ready, he took up residence in Starbucks in Washington and wrote the first draft. The end result will be uttered on the steps of the Capitol.
Obama's mind reader has crashed his way through yet another deadline
Biography
Favreau is of French-Canadian descent. He graduated from the College of the Holy Cross in 2003 as the valedictorian, and soon after joined Senator John Kerry's 2004 presidential campaign. Obama communications aide Robert Gibbs, who had worked for Kerry's campaign, recommended his former colleague Favreau to Obama as an excellent writer, and in 2005 he began working for Barack Obama in his U.S. Senate office, before joining Obama's presidential campaign as chief speechwriter in 2007.
Favreau has likened his position to "Ted Williams’s batting coach," because of Obama's celebrated abilities as a speaker and writer. Obama senior adviser David Axelrod said of Favreau, "Barack trusts him ... And Barack doesn't trust too many folks with that — the notion of surrendering that much authority over his own words."
On December 5, 2008, a picture of Favreau grabbing a breast of a cardboard cut-out of Hillary Clinton surfaced on Facebook. Favreau issued an apology to Clinton, whose spokesman referred to the photo as "an example of just good-natured fun between former rival camps."
2009年1月20日星期二
Let it be told to the future world
that in the depth of winter, when nothing but hope and virtue could survive... that the city and the country, alarmed at one common danger, came forth to meet (it).
奥巴马就职演说中文版全文
各位同胞：
今天我站在这里，为眼前的重责大任感到谦卑，对各位的信任心怀感激，对先贤的牺牲铭记在心。我要谢谢布什总统为这个国家的服务，也感谢他在政权转移期间的宽厚和配合。
四十四位美国人发表过总统就职誓言，这些誓词或是在繁荣富强及和平宁静之际发表，或是在乌云密布，时局动荡之时。在艰困的时候，美国能箕裘相继，不仅因为居高位者有能力或愿景，也因为人民持续对先人的抱负有信心，也忠于创建我国的法统。
因此，美国才能承继下来。因此，这一代美国人必须承继下去。
现在大家都知道我们正置身危机核心，我国正处于对抗深远暴力和憎恨的战争。我们的经济元气大伤，是某些人贪婪且不负责任的后果，也是大众未能做出艰难的选择，为国家进入新时代做淮备所致。许多人失去房子，丢了工作，生意垮了。我们的医疗照护太昂贵，学校教育辜负了许多人。每天都有更多证据显示，我们利用能源的方式壮大我们的对敌，威胁我们的星球。
这些都是得自资料和统计数据的危机指标。比较无法测量但同样深沉的，是举国信心尽失─持续担心美国将无可避免地衰退，也害怕下一代一定会眼界变低。
今天我要告诉各位，我们面临的挑战是真的，挑战非常严重，且不在少数。它们不是可以轻易，或在短时间内解决。但是，美国要了解，这些挑战会被解决。
在这一天，我们聚在一起，因为我们选择希望而非恐惧，有意义的团结而非纷争和不合。
在这一天，我们来此宣示，那些无用的抱怨和虚伪的承诺已终结，那些扭曲我们政治已久的相互指控和陈旧教条已终结。
我们仍是个年轻的国家，但借用圣经的话，摆脱幼稚事物的时刻到来了，重申我们坚忍精神的时刻到来了，选择我们更好的历史，实践那种代代传承的珍贵权利，那种高贵的理念：就是上帝的应许，我们每个人都是平等的，每个人都是自由的，每个人都应该有机会追求全然的幸福。
再次肯定我们国家的伟大，我们了解伟大绝非赐予而来，必须努力达成。我们的旅程从来就不是抄捷径或很容易就满足。这条路一直都不是给不勇敢的人走的，那些偏好逸乐胜过工作，或者只想追求名利就满足的人。恰恰相反，走这条路的始终是勇于冒险的人，做事的人，成事的人，其中有些人很出名，但更常见的是在各自岗位上的男男女女无名英雄，在这条漫长崎岖的道路上支撑我们，迈向繁荣与自由。
为了我们，他们携带很少的家当，远渡重洋，追寻新生活。
为了我们，他们胼手胝足，在西部安顿下来；忍受风吹雨打，筚路蓝缕。
为了我们，他们奋斗不懈，在康科特和盖茨堡，诺曼地和溪山等地葬身。
前人不断的奋斗与牺牲，直到双手皮开肉绽，我们才能享有比较好的生活。他们将美国视为大于所有个人企图心总和的整体，超越出身、财富或小圈圈的差异。
这是我们今天继续前进的旅程。我们仍旧是全球最繁荣强盛的国家。这场危机爆发时，我们的劳工生产力并未减弱。我们的心智一样创新，我们的产品和劳务和上周或上个月或去年相比，一样是必需品。我们的能力并未减损。但是我们墨守成规、维护狭小利益、推迟引人不悦的决定，这段时期肯定已经过去。从今天起，我们必须重新出发、再次展开再造美国的工程。
我们无论朝何处望去，都有工作必须完成。经济情势需要大胆、迅速的行动，我们将有所行动，不光是创造新工作，更要奠定成长的新基础。我们将造桥铺路，为企业兴建电力网格与数位线路，将我们联系在一起。我们将让科学回归合适的用途，运用科技的奇蹟来提高医疗品质并降低费用。我们将利用太阳能、风力和土壤作为汽车的燃料和工厂的能源。我们将让中小学及大专院校转型，因应新时代的需要。这些我们可以作到。我们也将会作到。
现在，有人质疑我们的企图心规模，暗示说我们的体系无法承受太多的大计画。这些人的记性不好。因为他们忘记了这个国家已经完成的成就，当创造力朝同一个目标发展，不受约束的男男女女可以完成何等成就，必要的是勇气。
怀疑者无法理解的是他们的主张已经站不住脚，长期以来折磨我们的陈腐政治争议已经行不通。我们今天的问题不是政府太大或太小，而是有无功效，是否能帮助家庭找到薪水不错的工作，支付得起照顾费用，有尊严的退休。哪个方向能够提供肯定的答案，我们就往那里走。答案是否定的地方，计画就会停止。所有我们这些管理大众金钱的人都将负起责任，花钱要精明，改掉恶习，正大光明作事情，只有这样我们才能重建政府与人民间最重要的信任。
我们眼前的问题也不是说市场的力量是善或恶。市场创造财富和增加自由的力量无与伦比，但是这场危机提醒我们没有监督时，市场发展将失控，当市场只偏爱有钱人时，国家无法永续繁荣。我们经济成功的依据，不只是国内生产毛额的规模，还有繁荣可及的范围，以及我们将机会拓展给每个愿意打拼的人，不是因为施舍，而是因为这就是达到我们共同利益最稳健的途径。
至于我们的共同防卫，我们认为必须在我们的自由和理想之间作一抉择是不确实的，我们拒绝接受。我们建国诸父在我们难以想像的危难之中。拟具了确保法治和人权的宪章，被一代代以鲜血扩大充实的宪章。这些理想依然照亮这个世界，我们不会为了便宜行事而扬弃它。同样地，今日在观看此情此景的其他民族和政府，从最宏伟的都城到家父出生的小村庄，我要说：任何一个国家、男、女、和孩童，只要你在追求一个和平且有尊严的未来，美国就是你的朋友，我们淮备再次带领大家。
回想先前的世代力抗法西斯主义和共产主义，靠的除了飞弹和战车之外，还有强固的联盟和持久的信念。他们知道单单力量本身不足以让我们自保，也不能让我们为所欲为。相反地，他们知道我们的力量因为谨慎使用而增强，我们的安全源自我们理想的正当性，我们所树立楷模的力量，以及谦逊和克制所具有的调和特质。
我们是这些遗产的保存者。在这些原则的再次指引下，我们可以面对那些新的威胁，这些威胁有赖国与国间更大的合作与谅解方能因应。我们将开始以负责任的方式把伊拉克还给它的人民，并在阿富汗建立赢来不易的和平。我们会努力不懈地与老朋友和昔日的对手合作，以减轻核子威胁，和地球的暖化。我们不会为我们的生活方式而道歉，也会毫不动摇地保护它，对那些想要藉由带来恐怖与杀害无辜以遂其目的者，我们现在告诉你，我们的精神强过你们，无法摧折，你们不可能比我们长久，我们必定打败你们。
因为我们知道，我们拼凑组合而成的遗产是我们的强处，而非弱点。我们是由基督徒和穆斯林，犹太教徒和印度教徒，以及非信徒组成的国家。我们由取自世界四面八方的各种语文和文化所形塑。而且由於我们曾尝过内战和种族隔离的苦果，并且在走出那黑暗时期之後变得更坚强和团结，这让我们不得不相信旧日的仇恨终究会过去，部族之间的界线很快就会泯灭。随着世界越来越小，我们共通的人性也会彰显，而美国必须扮演引进新和平时代的角色。
对穆斯林世界，我们寻求一种新的前进方式，以共同的利益和尊重为基础。那些想播植冲突并把自己社会的问题怪罪於西方的领袖，须知你的国民藉以判断你的，是你能建立什麽，而非你能毁坏什麽。那些靠着贪腐欺骗和箝制异己保住权势的人，须知你门站在历史错误的一边，而只要你愿意松手，我们就会帮忙。
那些穷国的人民，我们保证会和你们合作，让们的农场丰收，让清流涌入，滋补饿坏的身体，喂养饥饿的心灵。而对那些和我们一样比较富裕的国家，我要说，我们不能再对国界以外的苦痛视而不见，也不能再消耗世上的资源而不计後果。因为世界已经变了，我们也要跟着改变。
在我们思索眼前道路的此际，我们以谦虚感激的心想到，有些勇敢的美国同胞正在遥远的沙漠和山岭上巡逻。今天他们有话要对我们说，就和躺在阿灵顿（公墓）的英雄们世世代代轻声诉说的一样。我们尊荣他们，不只因为他们扞卫我们的自由，更因为他们代表着服务的精神；愿意在比自己更大的事物上找寻意义。而在此刻，能够界定一个世代的此刻，必须常驻你我心中的，正是这种精神。
即使政府能做和必须做，这个国家最终仍得靠美国人民的信念与决心。在堤防决堤时，是人们的善心，让他们招待陌生人。是工作人员的无私，让他们宁可减工时，也不愿看到朋友失业，陪伴我们度过最黑暗时期。是消防员的勇气，让他们冲进满是浓烟的楼梯间。是父母心甘情愿培育孩子，最终决定我们的命运。
我们的挑战也许是新的，我们迎接挑战的工具也许是新的，但我们赖以成功的价值观─辛勤工作和诚实、勇气和公平竞争、容忍和好奇心、忠实和爱国心─这些都是固有的。这些价值是真实的，是我们历史上进步的沈默力量。我们有必要找回这些真实价值。我们现在需要一个勇於负责的新时代，每一个美国人都体认到我们对自己、对国家、对世界负有责任，我们不是不情愿地接受这些责任，而是欣然接受，坚信没有什麽比全力以赴完成艰难的工作，更能得到精神上的满足，更能找到自我。
这是公民的代价和承诺。
这是我们信心的来源，体认上帝召唤我们创造不确定的命运。
这是我们的自由和信条的真谛，为什麽不同种族和信仰的男女老幼能在这个大草坪上共同庆祝，为什麽一个人的父亲在不到六十年前也许还不能进当地的餐厅用餐，现在却能站在你们面前做最神圣的宣誓。
让我们记住这一天，记住我们是谁、我们走了多远。在美国诞生这一年，在最寒冷的几个月，在结冰的河岸，一群爱国人士抱着垂死的同志。首都弃守，敌人进逼，雪沾了血。在那时，我们革命的成果受到质疑，我们的国父下令向人民宣读这段话：
「让这段话流传后世，在深冬，只剩下希望和美德，这个城市和这个国家，面临共同危险，站起来迎向它。」
美国，面对我们共同的危险，在这个艰困的冬天，让我们记得这些永恒的话语。怀着希望和美德，让我们再度冲破结冰的逆流，度过接下来可能来临的暴风雪。让我们孩子的孩子继续流传下去，说我们受到考验时，我们拒绝让旅程结束，我们不回头，也不踌躇；眼睛注视着远方，上帝的恩典降临我们，我们带着自由这个伟大的礼物，安全送达未来的世世代代。
奥巴马就职演说中文版全文
各位同胞：
今天我站在这里，为眼前的重责大任感到谦卑，对各位的信任心怀感激，对先贤的牺牲铭记在心。我要谢谢布什总统为这个国家的服务，也感谢他在政权转移期间的宽厚和配合。
四十四位美国人发表过总统就职誓言，这些誓词或是在繁荣富强及和平宁静之际发表，或是在乌云密布，时局动荡之时。在艰困的时候，美国能箕裘相继，不仅因为居高位者有能力或愿景，也因为人民持续对先人的抱负有信心，也忠于创建我国的法统。
因此，美国才能承继下来。因此，这一代美国人必须承继下去。
现在大家都知道我们正置身危机核心，我国正处于对抗深远暴力和憎恨的战争。我们的经济元气大伤，是某些人贪婪且不负责任的后果，也是大众未能做出艰难的选择，为国家进入新时代做淮备所致。许多人失去房子，丢了工作，生意垮了。我们的医疗照护太昂贵，学校教育辜负了许多人。每天都有更多证据显示，我们利用能源的方式壮大我们的对敌，威胁我们的星球。
这些都是得自资料和统计数据的危机指标。比较无法测量但同样深沉的，是举国信心尽失─持续担心美国将无可避免地衰退，也害怕下一代一定会眼界变低。
今天我要告诉各位，我们面临的挑战是真的，挑战非常严重，且不在少数。它们不是可以轻易，或在短时间内解决。但是，美国要了解，这些挑战会被解决。
在这一天，我们聚在一起，因为我们选择希望而非恐惧，有意义的团结而非纷争和不合。
在这一天，我们来此宣示，那些无用的抱怨和虚伪的承诺已终结，那些扭曲我们政治已久的相互指控和陈旧教条已终结。
我们仍是个年轻的国家，但借用圣经的话，摆脱幼稚事物的时刻到来了，重申我们坚忍精神的时刻到来了，选择我们更好的历史，实践那种代代传承的珍贵权利，那种高贵的理念：就是上帝的应许，我们每个人都是平等的，每个人都是自由的，每个人都应该有机会追求全然的幸福。
再次肯定我们国家的伟大，我们了解伟大绝非赐予而来，必须努力达成。我们的旅程从来就不是抄捷径或很容易就满足。这条路一直都不是给不勇敢的人走的，那些偏好逸乐胜过工作，或者只想追求名利就满足的人。恰恰相反，走这条路的始终是勇于冒险的人，做事的人，成事的人，其中有些人很出名，但更常见的是在各自岗位上的男男女女无名英雄，在这条漫长崎岖的道路上支撑我们，迈向繁荣与自由。
为了我们，他们携带很少的家当，远渡重洋，追寻新生活。
为了我们，他们胼手胝足，在西部安顿下来；忍受风吹雨打，筚路蓝缕。
为了我们，他们奋斗不懈，在康科特和盖茨堡，诺曼地和溪山等地葬身。
前人不断的奋斗与牺牲，直到双手皮开肉绽，我们才能享有比较好的生活。他们将美国视为大于所有个人企图心总和的整体，超越出身、财富或小圈圈的差异。
这是我们今天继续前进的旅程。我们仍旧是全球最繁荣强盛的国家。这场危机爆发时，我们的劳工生产力并未减弱。我们的心智一样创新，我们的产品和劳务和上周或上个月或去年相比，一样是必需品。我们的能力并未减损。但是我们墨守成规、维护狭小利益、推迟引人不悦的决定，这段时期肯定已经过去。从今天起，我们必须重新出发、再次展开再造美国的工程。
我们无论朝何处望去，都有工作必须完成。经济情势需要大胆、迅速的行动，我们将有所行动，不光是创造新工作，更要奠定成长的新基础。我们将造桥铺路，为企业兴建电力网格与数位线路，将我们联系在一起。我们将让科学回归合适的用途，运用科技的奇蹟来提高医疗品质并降低费用。我们将利用太阳能、风力和土壤作为汽车的燃料和工厂的能源。我们将让中小学及大专院校转型，因应新时代的需要。这些我们可以作到。我们也将会作到。
现在，有人质疑我们的企图心规模，暗示说我们的体系无法承受太多的大计画。这些人的记性不好。因为他们忘记了这个国家已经完成的成就，当创造力朝同一个目标发展，不受约束的男男女女可以完成何等成就，必要的是勇气。
怀疑者无法理解的是他们的主张已经站不住脚，长期以来折磨我们的陈腐政治争议已经行不通。我们今天的问题不是政府太大或太小，而是有无功效，是否能帮助家庭找到薪水不错的工作，支付得起照顾费用，有尊严的退休。哪个方向能够提供肯定的答案，我们就往那里走。答案是否定的地方，计画就会停止。所有我们这些管理大众金钱的人都将负起责任，花钱要精明，改掉恶习，正大光明作事情，只有这样我们才能重建政府与人民间最重要的信任。
我们眼前的问题也不是说市场的力量是善或恶。市场创造财富和增加自由的力量无与伦比，但是这场危机提醒我们没有监督时，市场发展将失控，当市场只偏爱有钱人时，国家无法永续繁荣。我们经济成功的依据，不只是国内生产毛额的规模，还有繁荣可及的范围，以及我们将机会拓展给每个愿意打拼的人，不是因为施舍，而是因为这就是达到我们共同利益最稳健的途径。
至于我们的共同防卫，我们认为必须在我们的自由和理想之间作一抉择是不确实的，我们拒绝接受。我们建国诸父在我们难以想像的危难之中。拟具了确保法治和人权的宪章，被一代代以鲜血扩大充实的宪章。这些理想依然照亮这个世界，我们不会为了便宜行事而扬弃它。同样地，今日在观看此情此景的其他民族和政府，从最宏伟的都城到家父出生的小村庄，我要说：任何一个国家、男、女、和孩童，只要你在追求一个和平且有尊严的未来，美国就是你的朋友，我们淮备再次带领大家。
回想先前的世代力抗法西斯主义和共产主义，靠的除了飞弹和战车之外，还有强固的联盟和持久的信念。他们知道单单力量本身不足以让我们自保，也不能让我们为所欲为。相反地，他们知道我们的力量因为谨慎使用而增强，我们的安全源自我们理想的正当性，我们所树立楷模的力量，以及谦逊和克制所具有的调和特质。
我们是这些遗产的保存者。在这些原则的再次指引下，我们可以面对那些新的威胁，这些威胁有赖国与国间更大的合作与谅解方能因应。我们将开始以负责任的方式把伊拉克还给它的人民，并在阿富汗建立赢来不易的和平。我们会努力不懈地与老朋友和昔日的对手合作，以减轻核子威胁，和地球的暖化。我们不会为我们的生活方式而道歉，也会毫不动摇地保护它，对那些想要藉由带来恐怖与杀害无辜以遂其目的者，我们现在告诉你，我们的精神强过你们，无法摧折，你们不可能比我们长久，我们必定打败你们。
因为我们知道，我们拼凑组合而成的遗产是我们的强处，而非弱点。我们是由基督徒和穆斯林，犹太教徒和印度教徒，以及非信徒组成的国家。我们由取自世界四面八方的各种语文和文化所形塑。而且由於我们曾尝过内战和种族隔离的苦果，并且在走出那黑暗时期之後变得更坚强和团结，这让我们不得不相信旧日的仇恨终究会过去，部族之间的界线很快就会泯灭。随着世界越来越小，我们共通的人性也会彰显，而美国必须扮演引进新和平时代的角色。
对穆斯林世界，我们寻求一种新的前进方式，以共同的利益和尊重为基础。那些想播植冲突并把自己社会的问题怪罪於西方的领袖，须知你的国民藉以判断你的，是你能建立什麽，而非你能毁坏什麽。那些靠着贪腐欺骗和箝制异己保住权势的人，须知你门站在历史错误的一边，而只要你愿意松手，我们就会帮忙。
那些穷国的人民，我们保证会和你们合作，让们的农场丰收，让清流涌入，滋补饿坏的身体，喂养饥饿的心灵。而对那些和我们一样比较富裕的国家，我要说，我们不能再对国界以外的苦痛视而不见，也不能再消耗世上的资源而不计後果。因为世界已经变了，我们也要跟着改变。
在我们思索眼前道路的此际，我们以谦虚感激的心想到，有些勇敢的美国同胞正在遥远的沙漠和山岭上巡逻。今天他们有话要对我们说，就和躺在阿灵顿（公墓）的英雄们世世代代轻声诉说的一样。我们尊荣他们，不只因为他们扞卫我们的自由，更因为他们代表着服务的精神；愿意在比自己更大的事物上找寻意义。而在此刻，能够界定一个世代的此刻，必须常驻你我心中的，正是这种精神。
即使政府能做和必须做，这个国家最终仍得靠美国人民的信念与决心。在堤防决堤时，是人们的善心，让他们招待陌生人。是工作人员的无私，让他们宁可减工时，也不愿看到朋友失业，陪伴我们度过最黑暗时期。是消防员的勇气，让他们冲进满是浓烟的楼梯间。是父母心甘情愿培育孩子，最终决定我们的命运。
我们的挑战也许是新的，我们迎接挑战的工具也许是新的，但我们赖以成功的价值观─辛勤工作和诚实、勇气和公平竞争、容忍和好奇心、忠实和爱国心─这些都是固有的。这些价值是真实的，是我们历史上进步的沈默力量。我们有必要找回这些真实价值。我们现在需要一个勇於负责的新时代，每一个美国人都体认到我们对自己、对国家、对世界负有责任，我们不是不情愿地接受这些责任，而是欣然接受，坚信没有什麽比全力以赴完成艰难的工作，更能得到精神上的满足，更能找到自我。
这是公民的代价和承诺。
这是我们信心的来源，体认上帝召唤我们创造不确定的命运。
这是我们的自由和信条的真谛，为什麽不同种族和信仰的男女老幼能在这个大草坪上共同庆祝，为什麽一个人的父亲在不到六十年前也许还不能进当地的餐厅用餐，现在却能站在你们面前做最神圣的宣誓。
让我们记住这一天，记住我们是谁、我们走了多远。在美国诞生这一年，在最寒冷的几个月，在结冰的河岸，一群爱国人士抱着垂死的同志。首都弃守，敌人进逼，雪沾了血。在那时，我们革命的成果受到质疑，我们的国父下令向人民宣读这段话：
「让这段话流传后世，在深冬，只剩下希望和美德，这个城市和这个国家，面临共同危险，站起来迎向它。」
美国，面对我们共同的危险，在这个艰困的冬天，让我们记得这些永恒的话语。怀着希望和美德，让我们再度冲破结冰的逆流，度过接下来可能来临的暴风雪。让我们孩子的孩子继续流传下去，说我们受到考验时，我们拒绝让旅程结束，我们不回头，也不踌躇；眼睛注视着远方，上帝的恩典降临我们，我们带着自由这个伟大的礼物，安全送达未来的世世代代。
2008年11月7日星期五
新总统 奥巴马 美国人生之旅
巴拉克·奥巴马(Barack Obama)为美国政治史掀开了新的一页。
美国第44任总统巴拉克·奥巴马是美国有史以来第一位非洲裔总统，并且有着独特身世和经历。奥巴马有两个种族的血统，父亲是肯尼亚人，母亲是美国中部的白人。他于2004年当选伊利诺伊州联邦参议员，并在同一年召开的民主党全国代表大会上发表慷慨激昂的主题演讲，一跃成为美国政坛上的一颗新星。短短四年后，他从多位民主党重量级人物中脱颖而出，成为民主党总统候选人，最后在总统大选中战胜了共和党对手麦凯恩。
奥巴马堪称是一位随时代应运而生的二十一世纪的竞选活动家。他的讲话风格雄辩、流畅、激昂，他能够激发起年轻选民的热情，并且善于利用最先进的互联网技术展开竞选。奥巴马在竞选过程中强调的两大主题是：改变华盛顿管理国家的一贯方式；呼吁思想意识、社会地位和种族背景各不相同的美国人为了共同利益团结一心。
奥巴马在2004年民主党全国代表大会上慷慨陈辞："这里不存在一个自由主义的美国和一个保守主义的美国，而只有一个美利坚合众国。这里不存在黑人的美国、白人的美国、拉美裔的美国或亚裔的美国，而只有一个美利坚合众国。"他说："我们是同一个国家的子民，所有人都宣誓效忠星条旗，所有人都在捍卫美利坚合众国。"
早年生涯
奥巴马父母的身世截然不同。他的母亲安·邓纳姆(Ann Dunham)生长在堪萨斯州的一个小镇，后来随家人搬到夏威夷群岛，并在那里结识了获得夏威夷大学奖学金的肯尼亚留学生老奥巴马(Barack Obama Sr.)。两人于1959年结婚，小奥巴马于1961年8月4日出生在檀香山。两年后，老奥巴马离开了年轻的妻子和年幼的儿子，先到哈佛大学读研究生，然后返回肯尼亚在政府部门从事经济工作。小奥巴马后来仅在十岁时见过父亲一面。
奥巴马六岁那年，他的母亲再婚，嫁给了一位印度尼西亚石油公司的主管。他们举家迁往印尼，奥巴马在首都雅加达的学校上了四年学。他后来返回夏威夷，在那里读高中，同外祖父和外祖母一起生活。
奥巴马写的第一本书，《父亲留下的梦想》(Dreams From My Father)，记录了他在青少年时期不同于常人的坎坷经历，他不知如何看待自己的混血身世，因为当时异族通婚依然少见。植根于美国的黑人和白人两个世界也许拓宽了奥巴马的视野，使他在多年之后成为一位能够理解多方面观点的政界人士。
奥巴马在法学院时代的同学卡桑德拉·巴茨(Cassandra Butts)对《纽约客》(New Yorker )杂志记者拉里莎·麦克法夸尔(Larissa MacFarquhar)表示："巴拉克非常善于将似乎互为矛盾的现实融会贯通地综合分析判断。这是因为他在白人家庭中长大，走入社会后被视为黑人。"
奥巴马后来再次离开夏威夷，去洛杉矶就读西方学院(Occidental College)，为时两年。随后，他搬迁至纽约市，1983年获得哥伦比亚大学(Columbia University)文学士学位。奥巴马在2008年的一个讲话中回顾了他当时的心境："……到大学毕业时，我满脑子都是一个疯狂的念头──我要从底层做起，改变现状。"
投身于公共服务事业
为了寻找自我和实现人生奋斗目标，奥巴马后来辞去了在纽约一家国际咨询公司做金融撰稿人的工作，于1985年去了芝加哥。他在芝加哥南城的一个社区教会联盟作社区组织工作。这是一个贫困的非洲裔城区，因当地经济从制造业向服务业转型而遭到重创。
奥巴马后来在宣布参加总统竞选的演讲中回顾了这段时光。他说："正是在这些社区中，我获得了出生以来最好的教育，感悟到基督教信仰的真谛。"
奥巴马在社区组织工作中获得一些切实的成功，为南城居民在经济重建、职业培训和环境治理等方面争取了权益。他认为，作为社区组织者，他的主要作用在于充当催化剂，动员普通公民自下而上地努力，制订地方战略增强自己的政治和经济权益。
三年后，奥巴马认识到，为了真正改善这类贫困社区，需要从更高层参与，即利用立法和政治途径。因此，他进入哈佛法学院(Harvard Law School)就读，并成为有威望的《哈佛法学评论》(Harvard Law Review)杂志社社长，他也是该杂志社的第一位黑人社长。1991年，奥巴马以优异成绩毕业于哈佛大学。
奥巴马竞选活动的策划人戴维·阿克塞尔罗德(David Axelrod)说，凭借这样不凡的资历，奥巴马完全能做他想做的任何事。奥巴马回到第二故乡芝加哥，开始做民权事务律师，并在芝加哥大学讲授宪法课程。1992年，奥巴马与哈佛法学院校友米歇尔·鲁滨逊(Michelle Robinson)喜结良缘，同时开始在芝加哥从事推动选民登记的工作，帮助比尔·克林顿(Bill Clinton)及其他民主党候选人竞选。
奥巴马继续致力于公益事业。1996年，他第一次决定参加公职竞选，并在伊利诺伊州参议院竞选中赢得代表芝加哥的一个席位。从多方面看来，这场竞选是他早年做社区组织工作的自然结果。奥巴马基本将同样的世界观带入他的政治奋斗目标中，即政治家要促进基层公民活动并缔结广泛的联盟。他当时说过："凡是只在口头上说种族主义是我们获得成功的障碍的非洲裔美国人，如果他们不同时正视更大的经济力量给所有工人──白人、拉美裔、亚裔──造成的生活缺乏保障的问题，就是受到了严重的误导。" 在州议会担任参议员的八年里，他取得的立法成就包括竞选经费改革、为贫困工薪阶层减税和完善州刑法系统。
登上国家政治舞台
2000年奥巴马首次竞选美国国会议员，但未能战胜竞选对手、来自芝加哥的在任民主党人博比·拉什(Bobby Rush)。奥巴马对初选中惨败在拉什手下感到沮丧，并希望能在伊利诺伊州议会之外有所作为，他因此说服米歇尔接受他竞选联邦参议员的想法，这是他为拓展政治生涯制订的"破釜沉舟"的计划。
2004年在伊利诺伊州举行的联邦参议员选举因当时在任的共和党人彼得·菲茨杰拉德(Peter Fitzgerald)在前一年宣布将不争取连任而向所有人敞开了竞选大门。有七名民主党人和八名共和党人分别为争取成为本党提名人展开角逐。奥巴马获得53%的投票，大大超过了他的六名对手获得票数的总和，从而轻而易举地赢得民主党提名。
由于当时共和党人在联邦参议院的100名成员中以51席占微弱多数，因此在民主党看来，伊利诺伊州的参议员选举对他们在11月夺回参议院控制权至关重要(事实上，他们到2006年才夺回控制权)。由于希望让奥巴马通过发挥重要作用来给他的竞选注入活力，而且由于奥巴马的雄辨口才人人皆知，以及他当时已经给民主党总统候选人约翰·克里(John Kerry)留下了良好的印象，因此民主党决定由奥巴马在民主党全国代表大会上作主题演讲。
奥巴马的演讲慷慨激昂，字字珠玑，他强调要超越党派分野，呼吁以"希望的政治"取代嘲讽的政治，结果不仅使与会者人心大振，而且使奥巴马一举成为全国媒体瞩目的民主党后起之秀。后来，他在那年秋季的参议员选举中以70%的选票轻而易举地获胜。虽然那年伊利诺伊州共和党几近完全混乱的局面无疑是造成一边倒的原因之一，但奥巴马的胜利就其本身而言亦令人瞩目：他在全州102个郡中的93个郡获胜，并赢得超过二分之一的白人选票。奥巴马作为能够跨越传统种族分野的新一代政治家的名声稳步上升。在《纽约客》杂志登载的奥巴马传略中，文章作者威廉·菲尼根(William Finnegan)指出，奥巴马具有"微妙地借用他的对话者的用语"的天赋，他"能讲美国的各种方言"。奥巴马对他为什么能够与白人选民沟通作出了自己的解释。他说："我了解这些人。他们跟我的外祖父外祖母一样。……他们的行为举止、他们的情感、他们的是非观──这一切我都非常熟悉。"
奥巴马在参议院的投票纪录与民主党自由派的纪录一致。他对伊拉克战争的批评成为他的标志之一，甚至可以追溯至这场战争开始前。他在2002年的一次讲话中警告说，任何此类军事行动的依据都"不是原则，而是政治" 。他还致力于加强国会的伦理道德标准，改善对退伍军人的照顾，扩大使用可再生燃料。
竞选总统
2008年民主党漫长的初选角逐，经过50个州的初选或预选会议，具有多重历史意义。非洲裔候选人和女性候选人过去虽然也参加过总统竞选，但这次在两位领先者中，一位是女性，一位是黑人。2007年，当奥巴马与其他七位争取民主党总统提名的候选人开始组织竞选活动时，民意调查一再显示奥巴马名列第二，人们理所当然地认为最受欢迎的人物是纽约州联邦参议员希拉里·克林顿。但奥巴马在这场竞选的初期十分成功地发挥了一群热情支持者(尤其是年轻人)的力量，建立起全国范围的基层竞选组织，并通过互联网筹募竞选经费。
由于克林顿享有更高知名度、拥有运作十分顺畅的竞选机器、并获得州一级主要民主党人的支持，因此奥巴马阵营制定了一项新颖的战略以抵消这些不利因素：把目标对准那些通过预选会议而不是初选产生代表的州，并侧重那些在以往总统大选中把票投给共和党的较小的州。这项战略充分利用了民主党的比例代表制──在每一个州按候选人获得选票的大致比例来分配出席民主党全国代表大会的代表人数。这与共和党的票数分配规则正好相反，后者规定在─个州获胜的候选人获得全国代表大会大部分或全部代表的选票。
这项战略于2008年1月3日在艾奥瓦州举行的全国第一场预选中??效，奥巴马挫败克林顿取得意外胜利。正如《华盛顿邮报》(Washington Post)所言，在艾奥瓦州取得的胜利是改变赛况的关键球，"战胜克林顿......改变了竞选的方向，奥巴马成为她的主要对手，成为有主张、有组织能力、有财务资源、可挑战她的领先地位的惟一人选。"
这项战略在2月5日"超级星期二"(Super Tuesday)──当日22个州同时举行选举──又一次奏效，其结果是奥巴马与克林顿不分高下，奥巴马席卷了南部与西部各农业州。奥巴马然后再接再厉，在2月份又连续拿下10个较为保守的州，巩固了他在代表人数方面的领先地位，此后克林顿再也未能彻底扭转颓势。
奥巴马主政
奥巴马是美国历史上最年轻的总统之一。出生于1946-1964年婴儿潮末期的奥巴马也是在1980年代长大成人的第一位总统，而这本身就意味着变化。1960年代的剧烈社会动荡对婴儿潮初期出生的人产生了重大影响，而奥巴马成长期的氛围则与之明显不同。诚如奥巴马在谈到由一批战后早期出生的候选人参选的2000年和2004年总统选举时所说，"有时，我觉得好像在观看婴儿潮那一代人的心理剧──一个在全国舞台上演出的源于很久以前在少数大学校园中策划的积怨和报复阴谋的故事。"
《纽约客》的麦克法夸尔对奥巴马明显具有超越传统政治分野的魅力提出了一种解释。她说："奥巴马的投票纪录表明，他是参议院中自由派倾向最明显的参议员之一，但他总是对共和党人具有吸引力，这也许是因为他能用保守派的语言来阐述自由派的目标。
她写道："就他的历史观来说，就他对传统的尊重来说，就他认为世界只可能发生极为缓慢的变化的观点来说，奥巴马是非常保守的。"
奥巴马总统开启了美国政治的新篇章。他是在很多美国人认为需要根本改变国家方向之际加入竞选的。《华盛顿邮报》政治专栏作家迪翁(E.J. Dionne)或许对奥巴马成为总统候选人和美国当今思潮的巧合作出了最为恰如其分的总结。他写道：
"今天，最重要的是变革，而不是经验。在竞选演讲中，最有效的是气势磅礴，而不是把握细节。最有价值的承诺是要与过去彻底决裂，而不是仅仅重返过去的美好时光。"
美国第44任总统巴拉克·奥巴马是美国有史以来第一位非洲裔总统，并且有着独特身世和经历。奥巴马有两个种族的血统，父亲是肯尼亚人，母亲是美国中部的白人。他于2004年当选伊利诺伊州联邦参议员，并在同一年召开的民主党全国代表大会上发表慷慨激昂的主题演讲，一跃成为美国政坛上的一颗新星。短短四年后，他从多位民主党重量级人物中脱颖而出，成为民主党总统候选人，最后在总统大选中战胜了共和党对手麦凯恩。
奥巴马堪称是一位随时代应运而生的二十一世纪的竞选活动家。他的讲话风格雄辩、流畅、激昂，他能够激发起年轻选民的热情，并且善于利用最先进的互联网技术展开竞选。奥巴马在竞选过程中强调的两大主题是：改变华盛顿管理国家的一贯方式；呼吁思想意识、社会地位和种族背景各不相同的美国人为了共同利益团结一心。
奥巴马在2004年民主党全国代表大会上慷慨陈辞："这里不存在一个自由主义的美国和一个保守主义的美国，而只有一个美利坚合众国。这里不存在黑人的美国、白人的美国、拉美裔的美国或亚裔的美国，而只有一个美利坚合众国。"他说："我们是同一个国家的子民，所有人都宣誓效忠星条旗，所有人都在捍卫美利坚合众国。"
早年生涯
奥巴马父母的身世截然不同。他的母亲安·邓纳姆(Ann Dunham)生长在堪萨斯州的一个小镇，后来随家人搬到夏威夷群岛，并在那里结识了获得夏威夷大学奖学金的肯尼亚留学生老奥巴马(Barack Obama Sr.)。两人于1959年结婚，小奥巴马于1961年8月4日出生在檀香山。两年后，老奥巴马离开了年轻的妻子和年幼的儿子，先到哈佛大学读研究生，然后返回肯尼亚在政府部门从事经济工作。小奥巴马后来仅在十岁时见过父亲一面。
奥巴马六岁那年，他的母亲再婚，嫁给了一位印度尼西亚石油公司的主管。他们举家迁往印尼，奥巴马在首都雅加达的学校上了四年学。他后来返回夏威夷，在那里读高中，同外祖父和外祖母一起生活。
奥巴马写的第一本书，《父亲留下的梦想》(Dreams From My Father)，记录了他在青少年时期不同于常人的坎坷经历，他不知如何看待自己的混血身世，因为当时异族通婚依然少见。植根于美国的黑人和白人两个世界也许拓宽了奥巴马的视野，使他在多年之后成为一位能够理解多方面观点的政界人士。
奥巴马在法学院时代的同学卡桑德拉·巴茨(Cassandra Butts)对《纽约客》(New Yorker )杂志记者拉里莎·麦克法夸尔(Larissa MacFarquhar)表示："巴拉克非常善于将似乎互为矛盾的现实融会贯通地综合分析判断。这是因为他在白人家庭中长大，走入社会后被视为黑人。"
奥巴马后来再次离开夏威夷，去洛杉矶就读西方学院(Occidental College)，为时两年。随后，他搬迁至纽约市，1983年获得哥伦比亚大学(Columbia University)文学士学位。奥巴马在2008年的一个讲话中回顾了他当时的心境："……到大学毕业时，我满脑子都是一个疯狂的念头──我要从底层做起，改变现状。"
投身于公共服务事业
为了寻找自我和实现人生奋斗目标，奥巴马后来辞去了在纽约一家国际咨询公司做金融撰稿人的工作，于1985年去了芝加哥。他在芝加哥南城的一个社区教会联盟作社区组织工作。这是一个贫困的非洲裔城区，因当地经济从制造业向服务业转型而遭到重创。
奥巴马后来在宣布参加总统竞选的演讲中回顾了这段时光。他说："正是在这些社区中，我获得了出生以来最好的教育，感悟到基督教信仰的真谛。"
奥巴马在社区组织工作中获得一些切实的成功，为南城居民在经济重建、职业培训和环境治理等方面争取了权益。他认为，作为社区组织者，他的主要作用在于充当催化剂，动员普通公民自下而上地努力，制订地方战略增强自己的政治和经济权益。
三年后，奥巴马认识到，为了真正改善这类贫困社区，需要从更高层参与，即利用立法和政治途径。因此，他进入哈佛法学院(Harvard Law School)就读，并成为有威望的《哈佛法学评论》(Harvard Law Review)杂志社社长，他也是该杂志社的第一位黑人社长。1991年，奥巴马以优异成绩毕业于哈佛大学。
奥巴马竞选活动的策划人戴维·阿克塞尔罗德(David Axelrod)说，凭借这样不凡的资历，奥巴马完全能做他想做的任何事。奥巴马回到第二故乡芝加哥，开始做民权事务律师，并在芝加哥大学讲授宪法课程。1992年，奥巴马与哈佛法学院校友米歇尔·鲁滨逊(Michelle Robinson)喜结良缘，同时开始在芝加哥从事推动选民登记的工作，帮助比尔·克林顿(Bill Clinton)及其他民主党候选人竞选。
奥巴马继续致力于公益事业。1996年，他第一次决定参加公职竞选，并在伊利诺伊州参议院竞选中赢得代表芝加哥的一个席位。从多方面看来，这场竞选是他早年做社区组织工作的自然结果。奥巴马基本将同样的世界观带入他的政治奋斗目标中，即政治家要促进基层公民活动并缔结广泛的联盟。他当时说过："凡是只在口头上说种族主义是我们获得成功的障碍的非洲裔美国人，如果他们不同时正视更大的经济力量给所有工人──白人、拉美裔、亚裔──造成的生活缺乏保障的问题，就是受到了严重的误导。" 在州议会担任参议员的八年里，他取得的立法成就包括竞选经费改革、为贫困工薪阶层减税和完善州刑法系统。
登上国家政治舞台
2000年奥巴马首次竞选美国国会议员，但未能战胜竞选对手、来自芝加哥的在任民主党人博比·拉什(Bobby Rush)。奥巴马对初选中惨败在拉什手下感到沮丧，并希望能在伊利诺伊州议会之外有所作为，他因此说服米歇尔接受他竞选联邦参议员的想法，这是他为拓展政治生涯制订的"破釜沉舟"的计划。
2004年在伊利诺伊州举行的联邦参议员选举因当时在任的共和党人彼得·菲茨杰拉德(Peter Fitzgerald)在前一年宣布将不争取连任而向所有人敞开了竞选大门。有七名民主党人和八名共和党人分别为争取成为本党提名人展开角逐。奥巴马获得53%的投票，大大超过了他的六名对手获得票数的总和，从而轻而易举地赢得民主党提名。
由于当时共和党人在联邦参议院的100名成员中以51席占微弱多数，因此在民主党看来，伊利诺伊州的参议员选举对他们在11月夺回参议院控制权至关重要(事实上，他们到2006年才夺回控制权)。由于希望让奥巴马通过发挥重要作用来给他的竞选注入活力，而且由于奥巴马的雄辨口才人人皆知，以及他当时已经给民主党总统候选人约翰·克里(John Kerry)留下了良好的印象，因此民主党决定由奥巴马在民主党全国代表大会上作主题演讲。
奥巴马的演讲慷慨激昂，字字珠玑，他强调要超越党派分野，呼吁以"希望的政治"取代嘲讽的政治，结果不仅使与会者人心大振，而且使奥巴马一举成为全国媒体瞩目的民主党后起之秀。后来，他在那年秋季的参议员选举中以70%的选票轻而易举地获胜。虽然那年伊利诺伊州共和党几近完全混乱的局面无疑是造成一边倒的原因之一，但奥巴马的胜利就其本身而言亦令人瞩目：他在全州102个郡中的93个郡获胜，并赢得超过二分之一的白人选票。奥巴马作为能够跨越传统种族分野的新一代政治家的名声稳步上升。在《纽约客》杂志登载的奥巴马传略中，文章作者威廉·菲尼根(William Finnegan)指出，奥巴马具有"微妙地借用他的对话者的用语"的天赋，他"能讲美国的各种方言"。奥巴马对他为什么能够与白人选民沟通作出了自己的解释。他说："我了解这些人。他们跟我的外祖父外祖母一样。……他们的行为举止、他们的情感、他们的是非观──这一切我都非常熟悉。"
奥巴马在参议院的投票纪录与民主党自由派的纪录一致。他对伊拉克战争的批评成为他的标志之一，甚至可以追溯至这场战争开始前。他在2002年的一次讲话中警告说，任何此类军事行动的依据都"不是原则，而是政治" 。他还致力于加强国会的伦理道德标准，改善对退伍军人的照顾，扩大使用可再生燃料。
竞选总统
2008年民主党漫长的初选角逐，经过50个州的初选或预选会议，具有多重历史意义。非洲裔候选人和女性候选人过去虽然也参加过总统竞选，但这次在两位领先者中，一位是女性，一位是黑人。2007年，当奥巴马与其他七位争取民主党总统提名的候选人开始组织竞选活动时，民意调查一再显示奥巴马名列第二，人们理所当然地认为最受欢迎的人物是纽约州联邦参议员希拉里·克林顿。但奥巴马在这场竞选的初期十分成功地发挥了一群热情支持者(尤其是年轻人)的力量，建立起全国范围的基层竞选组织，并通过互联网筹募竞选经费。
由于克林顿享有更高知名度、拥有运作十分顺畅的竞选机器、并获得州一级主要民主党人的支持，因此奥巴马阵营制定了一项新颖的战略以抵消这些不利因素：把目标对准那些通过预选会议而不是初选产生代表的州，并侧重那些在以往总统大选中把票投给共和党的较小的州。这项战略充分利用了民主党的比例代表制──在每一个州按候选人获得选票的大致比例来分配出席民主党全国代表大会的代表人数。这与共和党的票数分配规则正好相反，后者规定在─个州获胜的候选人获得全国代表大会大部分或全部代表的选票。
这项战略于2008年1月3日在艾奥瓦州举行的全国第一场预选中??效，奥巴马挫败克林顿取得意外胜利。正如《华盛顿邮报》(Washington Post)所言，在艾奥瓦州取得的胜利是改变赛况的关键球，"战胜克林顿......改变了竞选的方向，奥巴马成为她的主要对手，成为有主张、有组织能力、有财务资源、可挑战她的领先地位的惟一人选。"
这项战略在2月5日"超级星期二"(Super Tuesday)──当日22个州同时举行选举──又一次奏效，其结果是奥巴马与克林顿不分高下，奥巴马席卷了南部与西部各农业州。奥巴马然后再接再厉，在2月份又连续拿下10个较为保守的州，巩固了他在代表人数方面的领先地位，此后克林顿再也未能彻底扭转颓势。
奥巴马主政
奥巴马是美国历史上最年轻的总统之一。出生于1946-1964年婴儿潮末期的奥巴马也是在1980年代长大成人的第一位总统，而这本身就意味着变化。1960年代的剧烈社会动荡对婴儿潮初期出生的人产生了重大影响，而奥巴马成长期的氛围则与之明显不同。诚如奥巴马在谈到由一批战后早期出生的候选人参选的2000年和2004年总统选举时所说，"有时，我觉得好像在观看婴儿潮那一代人的心理剧──一个在全国舞台上演出的源于很久以前在少数大学校园中策划的积怨和报复阴谋的故事。"
《纽约客》的麦克法夸尔对奥巴马明显具有超越传统政治分野的魅力提出了一种解释。她说："奥巴马的投票纪录表明，他是参议院中自由派倾向最明显的参议员之一，但他总是对共和党人具有吸引力，这也许是因为他能用保守派的语言来阐述自由派的目标。
她写道："就他的历史观来说，就他对传统的尊重来说，就他认为世界只可能发生极为缓慢的变化的观点来说，奥巴马是非常保守的。"
奥巴马总统开启了美国政治的新篇章。他是在很多美国人认为需要根本改变国家方向之际加入竞选的。《华盛顿邮报》政治专栏作家迪翁(E.J. Dionne)或许对奥巴马成为总统候选人和美国当今思潮的巧合作出了最为恰如其分的总结。他写道：
"今天，最重要的是变革，而不是经验。在竞选演讲中，最有效的是气势磅礴，而不是把握细节。最有价值的承诺是要与过去彻底决裂，而不是仅仅重返过去的美好时光。"
奥巴马 胜选
美国诞生第一位黑人总统，形成美国近半世纪来最壮观的政治旋风，创造历史，改变未来。他压倒性的胜利展现巨大的民望，可以落实美国的政治改革。他提出「改变」与「希望」的呼声，顺应美国社会人心思变的时代脉动。他具备严密组织和高效率的动员能力，吸收一流人才参与选战，充分利用网络等新媒体，改变了选战动员方式，并吸纳民间大量的小额捐款；他鼓动年轻人参与选举，一百五十万人的志愿者为其奔波四方，重视草根，深入基层，指出美国政治不能再「一切照旧」。奥巴马代表了一个新世代，他要使美国政治与社会迈向新篇章，让美国的种族融合力量与民主政治的价值赓续发扬光大，以照耀全世界。
四十七岁的伊利诺伊州民主党黑人参议员奥巴马，在十一月四日举行的美国大选中获得压倒性胜利，重挫共和党对手麦凯恩。全美千千万万的黑人和其它族裔支持者在电视机前目睹奥巴马的大赢，不禁喜极而泣，相互拥抱。
在林肯总统颁布解放黑奴宣言一百四十六年后，在马丁·路德·金博士高喊：「我有一个梦」四十五年后，美利坚合众国终于出现了第一个黑人总统。奥巴马缔造了历史，他不仅扭转了个人的命运，亦改变了美国的政治版图和未来走向。
十一月四日美国大选之夜，近廿五万人涌入芝加哥格兰特公园，庆祝奥巴马当选总统，并聆听他的胜利演说。在场选民不分黑白老少，许许多多人被奥巴马的演说感动得泪流满面，其中包括民权运动老将杰西．杰克逊牧师和电视脱口秀红星奥普拉等。
其实，在电视机前更不知有多少人为奥巴马改写历史而动容。奥巴马在演说里提到亚特兰大一名一百零六岁的黑人古柏老太太，特地跑去投票所，投一票给奥巴马。历经美国社会激变、时代沧桑的古柏老太太在四十多年前连投票权和基本民权都没有，搭巴士还得坐后面。许多黑人选民说他们在投票时，都激动得眼泪直流。
在圣路易成长的代德利克．巴特尔，今年第一次去投票。这位在电影院做清洁工的五十五岁黑人说：「我过去一直认为他们（指白人）想要把谁放在白宫就把谁放进去，跟我无关。这次我完全不这样想，比我的生命还重要，我一定要投奥巴马一票。」
巴特尔的话，道出了美国黑人的心声，也道出大部分美国人的心声，终于看到了美国的政治黎明！
奥巴马是在四日美东时间深夜十一时跨越总统当选人必须获得的二百七十张选举人票门坎，得二百八十四张，麦凯恩仅得一百多张。麦氏即于十一时过后不久，亲自从亚利桑那州凤凰城打电话给奥巴马，恭贺他当选。两个人谈了十几分钟。随后，麦凯恩在凤凰城广场向拥护者发表认输演说，一反过去数月对奥巴马的严厉抨击，而代之以优雅的措辞称赞奥巴马，并表示愿意与奥氏合作重建美国。
此次大选最大的特色，是好几个特级战区（即所谓摇摆州）都倒向奥巴马，其中包括宾州、俄亥俄州、佛罗里达州和弗吉尼亚。尤其是俄亥俄、佛罗里达、弗吉尼亚、新墨西哥和科罗拉多等州，四年前皆是布殊的红州，今年皆转变为力挺奥巴马的蓝州。奥、麦两人所获全民选票差距不大，奥氏多七个百分点。美国大选是以选举人票（electoral votes）多寡而定，每州按参众议员比例而分，如加州有两位联邦参议员和五十三位联邦众议员，因此拥有五十五张选举人票，是全美五十个州最多的一州，德州（三十四张）、纽约（三十一张）分居二、三。
奥巴马所得全民选票数为六千三百二十五万票，占百分之五十三；麦凯恩获五千五百九十万票，占百分之四十六。奥氏选举人票有三百六十四张，麦氏有一百七十四张。民主党同时掌控参众两院，而成为「一党独大」，但民主党在参院未能获得可以阻止共和党发动阻挠议事进行的冗长演说战术（filibuster）。
奥巴马在二零零五年一月当选联邦参议员后不久，即萌生投身二零零八年总统大选的念头。他曾私下向参议员肯尼迪等极少数人请教，征询他们的意见，这些民主党大老并不因奥巴马政治经验不够而劝退他，反倒鼓励他出山，他们异口同声地说﹕「机会稍纵即逝，应把握时机出马拼搏。」于是，雄心万丈的奥巴马即展开部署，找了一批向心力强、能力更强的幕僚团队，投入民主党初选。
其时，民主党高层并未把「黑皮肤、个子高高、两耳特大、名字奇怪」的奥巴马放在眼里。大家公认民主党候选人中最有希望出线的就是前第一夫人、纽约州联邦参议员希拉里。希拉里亦自认必能拔得头筹，成为民主党总统候选人。
今年一月二日，中西部农业州爱荷华州首先为大选点燃战火，在冰天雪地中举行民主党党团会议（另一种形式的初选制度）。让全美专家和媒体跌破眼镜的是，这个白人州（黑人人口不到百分之二）竟然使奥巴马跃登龙门，高居第一，力挫爱德华兹和希拉里。尽管奥氏在几天后的新罕布什尔州初选中败给希拉里（选前民调皆预测奥氏领先十个百分点，开票结果却输了两个百分点），但爱荷华首役成功，不仅打响了奥巴马的名声，更使全美黑人人心振奋，团结一致支持奥巴马。
希拉里的幕僚和策士在新罕布什尔州得胜之后仍然信心十足，认为二月五日十余州联合举行的「超级星期二」初选，希拉里肯定能斩将搴旗，一举获得提名所需票数。人算不如天算，希拉里不但在「超级星期二」没有得到理想的战果，其竞选总部竟传出内斗、吵架的新闻，而希拉里所募款项已出现入不敷出的窘态。不久，希拉里幕僚人事倾轧事件终于公开爆发，女竞选经理（即总干事）去职，日后被奥巴马延揽为副总统候选人拜登的幕僚长。过了几天，希拉里的首席策士又挂冠求去。希拉里连自己的班底都不能管好，将来如何治理白宫、统御全国？
反观奥巴马在初选和大选中打了半世纪来最漂亮的一场选战，吸收一流人才、有严密组织和高效率的活动能力。奥巴马选战的特色包括六点﹕第一，充分利用网络和其它新媒体，广招志愿者（义工、志工），积极募款，许多人在网络上捐款，少者五元，多者二千；第二，唤醒成千成万的男女大学生对政治的兴趣，无数学生休学或请假，在全美组成了一百五十万人的「志愿军」，为奥巴马奔波四方，花自己的钱和时间，从寒冬到炎夏，再到秋霜满地，百万大军纵横新大陆，而蔚为今年大选的一大奇观；第三，奥巴马人气旺盛，号召力强，所募款项远远超过麦凯恩；第四，奥巴马团队擅长打组织战和阵地战，在全美设立八百个「野战指挥部」，而麦凯恩只有四百个。早在今年年初初选帷幕拉开前，奥氏团队即已在全美五十个州（甚至包括阿拉斯加）成立「野战指挥部」。在八百个指挥部中，受薪人员只有七百多人，绝大部分投入战斗的人都是不拿钱的「志愿军」。
第五，奥巴马发表作战指令时强调，一定要重视草根，要深入基层，绝不放弃共和党所把持的南方选区，更不可忽视白人劳工阶级较多的中西部。这项指令发挥了相当作用，结果奥氏从共和党手中抢回了佛罗里达和弗吉尼亚；不仅稳住了宾州，甚且夺占了共和党的历史性地盘俄亥俄、科罗拉多和新墨西哥。过去五十年中，所有入主白宫的共和党总统都在俄亥俄获胜，输掉俄亥俄，即不可能当选总统，如麦凯恩。
第六，当希拉里的竞选总部在进行清算斗争时，当麦凯恩一再更换幕僚时，奥巴马的竞选团队从未出事。二十一个月来，人马一直在位子上团结一致，没有人离开，也没有人泄密。许多专家说，奥巴马团队是数十年来最令人佩服的一支选战队伍。
希拉里在初选时一再向民主党选民宣称，奥巴马在大选的胜选机会不大，只有她才能对付共和党。当选战情势告急时，希拉里竟打出「种族牌」，她大声说她获得「广大的、勤劳的白人劳工阶层」的支时。而过去有「黑人总统」之称的克林顿为妻子助选时，亦曾发表过种族主义的谈话而引起黑人选民的极大反感。奥巴马全力竞选时，和他有密切关系的芝加哥牧师赖特二世（Jeremiah A. Wright, Jr.）发表的反美证道言论，被右翼媒体披露出来，而掀起轩然大波。奥巴马适时于三月十八日在费城国家宪政中心发表了掷地有声的题为《更完美的联邦》的演说。他在这篇亲自撰写的讲辞中，从道德制高点出发，分析美国种族主义的根源，并从实际生活切入，指出「黑人愤怒」和「白人忿恨」的历史背景。他恳切地表示﹕「我不能和他（指赖特）断绝关系，正如我不能和非裔美人（即黑人）小区断绝关系，亦正如我不能与我的白人外祖母切割。这些人是我的一部分，而他们也是我所热爱的美国这个国家的一部分。」不少史家认为这篇演说将永载史册。
奥巴马在选战期间所展示的沉着、冷静、理智和稳健，给予选民深刻的印象，他的领袖气质（charisma）与个人魅力，以及他独特的选举语言，很快地感染到选民。特别是十八岁至二十九岁的青年，几乎都变成「奥巴马一族」。奥巴马向选民提出「改变」（change）与「希望」（hope）的呼声，这也是他的竞选主题与基调。这两大诉求正符合美国社会人心思变的时代脉动。不论黑白、男女、老少和职业，大多数选民都认同奥巴马所揭橥的理想主义与务实思想，更赞同他求变求新的渴望。美国政治不能再「一切照旧」（business as usual），美国外交必须扬弃布殊的单边主义和先发制人政策。
反观麦凯恩的选战诉求和竞选作风恰与奥巴马的镇定及高格调成强烈对比。七十二岁的海军官校毕业生、越战战俘并在华府当了二十余年国会议员的麦凯恩，一直从事卑劣、谩骂、低级的选战，而使选民大起反感。麦凯恩在第一次辩论时，甚至不瞧奥巴马一眼，他和副总统候选人佩林一再怀疑奥巴马对国家的「忠诚」，质疑他和六十年代反越战激进分子威廉．艾耶斯（William Ayers）的关系。麦氏在选战初期，民调和声望即落后奥氏，但使他尝到败绩苦果的主要原因有三﹕一是他选错了竞选伙伴，他挑选毫无外交经验并缺乏国际知识的佩林，显然是要吸引希拉里的支持者，但这亦突显了麦氏欠缺判断力和投机取巧的一面。
二是麦氏在金融风暴中所表现的慌张和不知所措（要求中止辩论、停止选战），使选民留下极负面的印象，而他在风暴前几天一再宣称美国经济基本健全的谈话，更让他内伤不已。
此外，他过去八年百分之九十支持布殊的投票纪录，使他难以翻身。而奥巴马一再提出选麦凯恩等于选布殊的说法，在选民心中产生了极大的反响。当然，对麦氏最不利的乃是布殊八年一无是处的表现，害了他，也害了其它共和党候选人。
奥巴马投身今年大选，形成美国近半世纪以来最壮观的政治旋风。
「奥巴马现象」不仅改变了美国的政治景观，政治文化亦为之丕变。他鼓动年轻一代参与选举程序的风气，激发了无数独立选民和不少共和党人投靠民主党。前总统艾森豪威尔的孙女、尼克逊的二女儿茱莉和麦凯恩的师父、有「共和党先生」之称的前保守派参议员高华德的孙女都公开支持奥巴马。
奥巴马最感遗憾的是，抚养他长大的外祖母，两天前在夏威夷去世，终年八十六岁。十一月四日午夜时份，将近十三万选民聚集在芝加哥格兰特公园聆听奥巴马发表胜利演说，他们亲睹了创造历史的伟大场面。
奥巴马代表了一个新世代，他要使美国政治与社会迈向新篇章，让美国的种族融合力量与民主政治的价值赓续发扬光大，以照耀全世界。
四十七岁的伊利诺伊州民主党黑人参议员奥巴马，在十一月四日举行的美国大选中获得压倒性胜利，重挫共和党对手麦凯恩。全美千千万万的黑人和其它族裔支持者在电视机前目睹奥巴马的大赢，不禁喜极而泣，相互拥抱。
在林肯总统颁布解放黑奴宣言一百四十六年后，在马丁·路德·金博士高喊：「我有一个梦」四十五年后，美利坚合众国终于出现了第一个黑人总统。奥巴马缔造了历史，他不仅扭转了个人的命运，亦改变了美国的政治版图和未来走向。
十一月四日美国大选之夜，近廿五万人涌入芝加哥格兰特公园，庆祝奥巴马当选总统，并聆听他的胜利演说。在场选民不分黑白老少，许许多多人被奥巴马的演说感动得泪流满面，其中包括民权运动老将杰西．杰克逊牧师和电视脱口秀红星奥普拉等。
其实，在电视机前更不知有多少人为奥巴马改写历史而动容。奥巴马在演说里提到亚特兰大一名一百零六岁的黑人古柏老太太，特地跑去投票所，投一票给奥巴马。历经美国社会激变、时代沧桑的古柏老太太在四十多年前连投票权和基本民权都没有，搭巴士还得坐后面。许多黑人选民说他们在投票时，都激动得眼泪直流。
在圣路易成长的代德利克．巴特尔，今年第一次去投票。这位在电影院做清洁工的五十五岁黑人说：「我过去一直认为他们（指白人）想要把谁放在白宫就把谁放进去，跟我无关。这次我完全不这样想，比我的生命还重要，我一定要投奥巴马一票。」
巴特尔的话，道出了美国黑人的心声，也道出大部分美国人的心声，终于看到了美国的政治黎明！
奥巴马是在四日美东时间深夜十一时跨越总统当选人必须获得的二百七十张选举人票门坎，得二百八十四张，麦凯恩仅得一百多张。麦氏即于十一时过后不久，亲自从亚利桑那州凤凰城打电话给奥巴马，恭贺他当选。两个人谈了十几分钟。随后，麦凯恩在凤凰城广场向拥护者发表认输演说，一反过去数月对奥巴马的严厉抨击，而代之以优雅的措辞称赞奥巴马，并表示愿意与奥氏合作重建美国。
此次大选最大的特色，是好几个特级战区（即所谓摇摆州）都倒向奥巴马，其中包括宾州、俄亥俄州、佛罗里达州和弗吉尼亚。尤其是俄亥俄、佛罗里达、弗吉尼亚、新墨西哥和科罗拉多等州，四年前皆是布殊的红州，今年皆转变为力挺奥巴马的蓝州。奥、麦两人所获全民选票差距不大，奥氏多七个百分点。美国大选是以选举人票（electoral votes）多寡而定，每州按参众议员比例而分，如加州有两位联邦参议员和五十三位联邦众议员，因此拥有五十五张选举人票，是全美五十个州最多的一州，德州（三十四张）、纽约（三十一张）分居二、三。
奥巴马所得全民选票数为六千三百二十五万票，占百分之五十三；麦凯恩获五千五百九十万票，占百分之四十六。奥氏选举人票有三百六十四张，麦氏有一百七十四张。民主党同时掌控参众两院，而成为「一党独大」，但民主党在参院未能获得可以阻止共和党发动阻挠议事进行的冗长演说战术（filibuster）。
奥巴马在二零零五年一月当选联邦参议员后不久，即萌生投身二零零八年总统大选的念头。他曾私下向参议员肯尼迪等极少数人请教，征询他们的意见，这些民主党大老并不因奥巴马政治经验不够而劝退他，反倒鼓励他出山，他们异口同声地说﹕「机会稍纵即逝，应把握时机出马拼搏。」于是，雄心万丈的奥巴马即展开部署，找了一批向心力强、能力更强的幕僚团队，投入民主党初选。
其时，民主党高层并未把「黑皮肤、个子高高、两耳特大、名字奇怪」的奥巴马放在眼里。大家公认民主党候选人中最有希望出线的就是前第一夫人、纽约州联邦参议员希拉里。希拉里亦自认必能拔得头筹，成为民主党总统候选人。
今年一月二日，中西部农业州爱荷华州首先为大选点燃战火，在冰天雪地中举行民主党党团会议（另一种形式的初选制度）。让全美专家和媒体跌破眼镜的是，这个白人州（黑人人口不到百分之二）竟然使奥巴马跃登龙门，高居第一，力挫爱德华兹和希拉里。尽管奥氏在几天后的新罕布什尔州初选中败给希拉里（选前民调皆预测奥氏领先十个百分点，开票结果却输了两个百分点），但爱荷华首役成功，不仅打响了奥巴马的名声，更使全美黑人人心振奋，团结一致支持奥巴马。
希拉里的幕僚和策士在新罕布什尔州得胜之后仍然信心十足，认为二月五日十余州联合举行的「超级星期二」初选，希拉里肯定能斩将搴旗，一举获得提名所需票数。人算不如天算，希拉里不但在「超级星期二」没有得到理想的战果，其竞选总部竟传出内斗、吵架的新闻，而希拉里所募款项已出现入不敷出的窘态。不久，希拉里幕僚人事倾轧事件终于公开爆发，女竞选经理（即总干事）去职，日后被奥巴马延揽为副总统候选人拜登的幕僚长。过了几天，希拉里的首席策士又挂冠求去。希拉里连自己的班底都不能管好，将来如何治理白宫、统御全国？
反观奥巴马在初选和大选中打了半世纪来最漂亮的一场选战，吸收一流人才、有严密组织和高效率的活动能力。奥巴马选战的特色包括六点﹕第一，充分利用网络和其它新媒体，广招志愿者（义工、志工），积极募款，许多人在网络上捐款，少者五元，多者二千；第二，唤醒成千成万的男女大学生对政治的兴趣，无数学生休学或请假，在全美组成了一百五十万人的「志愿军」，为奥巴马奔波四方，花自己的钱和时间，从寒冬到炎夏，再到秋霜满地，百万大军纵横新大陆，而蔚为今年大选的一大奇观；第三，奥巴马人气旺盛，号召力强，所募款项远远超过麦凯恩；第四，奥巴马团队擅长打组织战和阵地战，在全美设立八百个「野战指挥部」，而麦凯恩只有四百个。早在今年年初初选帷幕拉开前，奥氏团队即已在全美五十个州（甚至包括阿拉斯加）成立「野战指挥部」。在八百个指挥部中，受薪人员只有七百多人，绝大部分投入战斗的人都是不拿钱的「志愿军」。
第五，奥巴马发表作战指令时强调，一定要重视草根，要深入基层，绝不放弃共和党所把持的南方选区，更不可忽视白人劳工阶级较多的中西部。这项指令发挥了相当作用，结果奥氏从共和党手中抢回了佛罗里达和弗吉尼亚；不仅稳住了宾州，甚且夺占了共和党的历史性地盘俄亥俄、科罗拉多和新墨西哥。过去五十年中，所有入主白宫的共和党总统都在俄亥俄获胜，输掉俄亥俄，即不可能当选总统，如麦凯恩。
第六，当希拉里的竞选总部在进行清算斗争时，当麦凯恩一再更换幕僚时，奥巴马的竞选团队从未出事。二十一个月来，人马一直在位子上团结一致，没有人离开，也没有人泄密。许多专家说，奥巴马团队是数十年来最令人佩服的一支选战队伍。
希拉里在初选时一再向民主党选民宣称，奥巴马在大选的胜选机会不大，只有她才能对付共和党。当选战情势告急时，希拉里竟打出「种族牌」，她大声说她获得「广大的、勤劳的白人劳工阶层」的支时。而过去有「黑人总统」之称的克林顿为妻子助选时，亦曾发表过种族主义的谈话而引起黑人选民的极大反感。奥巴马全力竞选时，和他有密切关系的芝加哥牧师赖特二世（Jeremiah A. Wright, Jr.）发表的反美证道言论，被右翼媒体披露出来，而掀起轩然大波。奥巴马适时于三月十八日在费城国家宪政中心发表了掷地有声的题为《更完美的联邦》的演说。他在这篇亲自撰写的讲辞中，从道德制高点出发，分析美国种族主义的根源，并从实际生活切入，指出「黑人愤怒」和「白人忿恨」的历史背景。他恳切地表示﹕「我不能和他（指赖特）断绝关系，正如我不能和非裔美人（即黑人）小区断绝关系，亦正如我不能与我的白人外祖母切割。这些人是我的一部分，而他们也是我所热爱的美国这个国家的一部分。」不少史家认为这篇演说将永载史册。
奥巴马在选战期间所展示的沉着、冷静、理智和稳健，给予选民深刻的印象，他的领袖气质（charisma）与个人魅力，以及他独特的选举语言，很快地感染到选民。特别是十八岁至二十九岁的青年，几乎都变成「奥巴马一族」。奥巴马向选民提出「改变」（change）与「希望」（hope）的呼声，这也是他的竞选主题与基调。这两大诉求正符合美国社会人心思变的时代脉动。不论黑白、男女、老少和职业，大多数选民都认同奥巴马所揭橥的理想主义与务实思想，更赞同他求变求新的渴望。美国政治不能再「一切照旧」（business as usual），美国外交必须扬弃布殊的单边主义和先发制人政策。
反观麦凯恩的选战诉求和竞选作风恰与奥巴马的镇定及高格调成强烈对比。七十二岁的海军官校毕业生、越战战俘并在华府当了二十余年国会议员的麦凯恩，一直从事卑劣、谩骂、低级的选战，而使选民大起反感。麦凯恩在第一次辩论时，甚至不瞧奥巴马一眼，他和副总统候选人佩林一再怀疑奥巴马对国家的「忠诚」，质疑他和六十年代反越战激进分子威廉．艾耶斯（William Ayers）的关系。麦氏在选战初期，民调和声望即落后奥氏，但使他尝到败绩苦果的主要原因有三﹕一是他选错了竞选伙伴，他挑选毫无外交经验并缺乏国际知识的佩林，显然是要吸引希拉里的支持者，但这亦突显了麦氏欠缺判断力和投机取巧的一面。
二是麦氏在金融风暴中所表现的慌张和不知所措（要求中止辩论、停止选战），使选民留下极负面的印象，而他在风暴前几天一再宣称美国经济基本健全的谈话，更让他内伤不已。
此外，他过去八年百分之九十支持布殊的投票纪录，使他难以翻身。而奥巴马一再提出选麦凯恩等于选布殊的说法，在选民心中产生了极大的反响。当然，对麦氏最不利的乃是布殊八年一无是处的表现，害了他，也害了其它共和党候选人。
奥巴马投身今年大选，形成美国近半世纪以来最壮观的政治旋风。
「奥巴马现象」不仅改变了美国的政治景观，政治文化亦为之丕变。他鼓动年轻一代参与选举程序的风气，激发了无数独立选民和不少共和党人投靠民主党。前总统艾森豪威尔的孙女、尼克逊的二女儿茱莉和麦凯恩的师父、有「共和党先生」之称的前保守派参议员高华德的孙女都公开支持奥巴马。
奥巴马最感遗憾的是，抚养他长大的外祖母，两天前在夏威夷去世，终年八十六岁。十一月四日午夜时份，将近十三万选民聚集在芝加哥格兰特公园聆听奥巴马发表胜利演说，他们亲睹了创造历史的伟大场面。
奥巴马代表了一个新世代，他要使美国政治与社会迈向新篇章，让美国的种族融合力量与民主政治的价值赓续发扬光大，以照耀全世界。
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